Russians in Ukraine preparing to help overthrow Putin (Newsweek)


Chris Slee
 


Michael Pugliese
 

_._,_._,_

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Michael Karadjis
 

The article is about Ilya Ponomarev—a member of the Russian parliament from 2007 to 2016 and the only one to vote against the annexation of Crimea in 2014.

Here's a blurb from wikipedia about this quite interesting character, apparently accused of "neo-Trotskyism":

Ponomarev's political views are considered to be "unorthodox left": a progressive libertarian position. Some people describe him as "neo-communist",[26] and critics inside the Communist Party of Russia have identified him as "neotrotskyist".[28] Ponomarev's policy goals included the following:

  • equal access to education, to create equal opportunities for everyone
  • a non-restrictive government which would be gradually replaced by direct democracy
  • promotion of social and business entrepreneurship and innovation to transform society
  • visa-free travel and abolition of national borders
  • replacement of the presidential republic in Russia with a parliamentary democracy, based on clear separation of powers, a strong independent judiciary, and [29] federalism (with most taxes collected and spent by the regional governments)[30][31]
  • protection of personal freedoms for oppressed groups, including increased rights and protections for women and LGBT people[32]

Internationally, Ponomarev advocated a broader "Northern Union" between the nations of Europe, the Americas, and the former USSR,[33] but strongly criticizes the American model of globalization exemplified by the IMF, the WTO and the G8 structures.[34] He describes his proposals as "social globalism",[31][35] and is critical of nationalism and clericalism.[36] He also criticized the privatization process in Russia, and blamed its neoliberal architects for the failure to establish a true democracy in Russia.[37]




On Fri, Oct 21, 2022 at 11:22 AM Michael Pugliese <michael.098762001@...> wrote:
“Militant Organization of Anarcho-Communists ,” is noted in the Newsweek article. 
 


Dayne Goodwin
 

I was intrigued by his surname Ponomarev.  At the very end of the lengthy Ilya Ponomarev wikipedia entry which Michael K. quotes from i found this:
"Ponomarev is a nephew of Boris Ponomarev, Secretary for International Relations of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union."
"From 1955 to 1986, Ponomarev was chief of the International Department of the CPSU Central Committee. He occupied an office within Central Committee headquarters until the 1991 August Coup, which he is said to have supported."


On Thu, Oct 20, 2022 at 11:21 PM Michael Karadjis <mkaradjis@...> wrote:
The article is about Ilya Ponomarev—a member of the Russian parliament from 2007 to 2016 and the only one to vote against the annexation of Crimea in 2014.

Here's a blurb from wikipedia about this quite interesting character, apparently accused of "neo-Trotskyism":

Ponomarev's political views are considered to be "unorthodox left": a progressive libertarian position. Some people describe him as "neo-communist",[26] and critics inside the Communist Party of Russia have identified him as "neotrotskyist".[28] Ponomarev's policy goals included the following:

  • equal access to education, to create equal opportunities for everyone
  • a non-restrictive government which would be gradually replaced by direct democracy
  • promotion of social and business entrepreneurship and innovation to transform society
  • visa-free travel and abolition of national borders
  • replacement of the presidential republic in Russia with a parliamentary democracy, based on clear separation of powers, a strong independent judiciary, and [29] federalism (with most taxes collected and spent by the regional governments)[30][31]
  • protection of personal freedoms for oppressed groups, including increased rights and protections for women and LGBT people[32]

Internationally, Ponomarev advocated a broader "Northern Union" between the nations of Europe, the Americas, and the former USSR,[33] but strongly criticizes the American model of globalization exemplified by the IMF, the WTO and the G8 structures.[34] He describes his proposals as "social globalism",[31][35] and is critical of nationalism and clericalism.[36] He also criticized the privatization process in Russia, and blamed its neoliberal architects for the failure to establish a true democracy in Russia.[37]



David Walters
 

I would argue that this sort of thing that shows up in a second rate has-been US magazine, is nothing more than wishful thinking. Prognostications like this are useless, IMO.

David Walters


Dayne Goodwin
 

a follow-up on the report in the Newsweek article:

What Will Russia Without Putin Look Like? Maybe This.
by Joy Neumeyer, Ms. Neumeyer is a journalist and historian of Russia
and Eastern Europe.
Opinion/Guest Essay, New York Times, November 21, 2022
https://www.nytimes.com/2022/11/21/opinion/russia-putin-opposition.html
. . .
Composed of well-known opposition figures as well as younger
representatives from local and regional governments, the First
Congress of People’s Deputies of Russia met in Poland in early
November. The location, Jablonna Palace outside Warsaw, was symbolic:
It was the site of early negotiations in the round-table talks that
led to the end of Communist rule in Poland. There, over three days of
intense debate, participants laid out proposals for rebuilding their
country. Taken together, they amount to a serious effort to imagine
Russia without Mr. Putin.

The first and most pressing priority, of course, is the invasion of
Ukraine. Everyone at the congress opposes the war, which they assume
will be lost or lead to nuclear disaster. To deal with the
consequences and to prevent a repeat tragedy, they propose an “act on
peace” that would demobilize the army and end the occupation of
Ukrainian territory, including Crimea; create a joint group for the
investigation of war crimes; pay reparations for damaged
infrastructure and the families of the dead; and reject future “wars
of conquest.” In addition to offering a deterrent to future
expansionism, this wide-ranging pledge would provide an essential
reckoning with Russia’s history of imperialist invasion.

The officials responsible for the devastation will need to be rooted
out, too — something that never happened after the collapse of the
Soviet Union. The congress would bar from working in state and
educational institutions those who belonged to “criminal”
organizations — such as the Federal Security Services or state
television channels — or publicly supported the war, as well as
restricting their voting rights. It would also create a
“de-Putinization” commission to consider the rehabilitation of certain
groups, including those who publicly recant and did not commit
especially serious crimes, and open the archives of the security
services.

Then there’s the structure of Russia itself. The Russian Federation is
highly centralized, with a patchwork of over 80 republics and regions
that are strongly subordinate to the president, enabling the
accumulation of enormous power. The congress, drawing on decentralized
visions from around the time of the Soviet collapse, proposes to
dissolve the Russian Federation and replace it with a new
parliamentary democracy. According to a broadly worded draft provision
on “self-determination,” the future Russian state should be “joined on
the basis of free choice by the peoples who populate it.”
. . .