Reject the Left-Right Alliance Against Ukraine
Charles Keener
Reject the Left-Right Alliance Against UkraineIf American leftists take seriously their commitment to self-rule and loathing of foreign aggression, they should shed their ambivalence about supporting Ukraine. ![]() At critical times, foreign wars have tested the moral convictions of American leftists and affected the fate of their movement for years to come. The Socialist Party’s opposition to entering the First World War provoked furious state repression but later gained a measure of redemption when Americans learned that U.S. troops had not made the world safe for democracy after all. Leftists proved prescient again in the late 1930s when they rallied to defend the Spanish Republic against a right-wing military and its fascist allies, Italy and Germany. The republic’s defeat emboldened Adolf Hitler to launch what quickly became the Second World War. When, twenty years later, American Communists backed the Soviet Union’s crushing of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, they shoved their party firmly and irrevocably to the margins of political life, which opened up space for the emergence of a New Left that rejected imperial aggressors of all ideological persuasions. The war in Ukraine has a good chance of turning into another such decisive event. Who to blame for the bloodshed in that country should be obvious: a massive nation led by an authoritarian ruler with one of the world’s largest militaries at his disposal is seeking to conquer and subjugate a smaller and weaker neighbor. In pursuit of that vicious purpose, Vladimir Putin’s soldiers have committed countless rapes and acts of torture. His air force is systematically trying to destroy Ukraine’s infrastructure and economy, hoping to undermine its citizens’ will to resist. Yet Ukrainians, with the aid of arms from the United States and other NATO countries, have so far managed to fight this superior force to a stalemate. A sizeable number of American leftists have embraced an alternate reality. For them, the culprit is NATO’s post–Cold War expansion, fueled by the drive of the U.S. state and capital to bend the world to their desires. The popular author and journalist Chris Hedges cracks that the war in Ukraine “doesn’t make any geopolitical sense, but it’s good for business.” The Green Party condemns the “perpetual war mentality” of the “US foreign policy establishment” and concludes, “There are no good guys in this crisis.” These critics ignore or dismiss the fact that every nation that joined NATO did so willingly, knowing that Russia was capable of launching the kind of attack now underway in Ukraine. In the aftermath of the Soviet Union’s demise, the expansion of NATO may well have been too hasty. But not one of its newer members has done anything to threaten Putin’s regime. And every country that joined the alliance enjoys a democratically elected government. They contrast sharply with the handful of nations, besides Putin’s, that voted against a UN resolution last month demanding the Russians withdraw from Ukraine: Belarus, North Korea, Syria, Nicaragua, Eritrea, and Mali. All but the last are one-party dictatorships, and Mali relies on Russian mercenaries to battle Islamist rebels. It seems not to bother these leftists that they are making common cause with some of the most atrocious and prominent stalwarts of the Trumpian right. Tucker Carlson routinely bashes the U.S. commitment to Ukraine with lines like “Has Putin ever called me a racist?” while Marjorie Taylor Greene recently declared, “I’m completely against the war in Ukraine. . . . You know who’s driving it? It’s America. America needs to stop pushing the war in Ukraine.” On February 19, some members of the alliance of right and left staged a demonstration at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington to vent its “Rage Against the War Machine.” Speakers included Ron Paul and Tulsi Gabbard as well as Jill Stein, the Green Party’s 2016 nominee for president, and Medea Benjamin, the founder of Code Pink. Carlson promoted the event on the highest rated “news” show in the history of cable TV. At the Memorial, several protesters flew Russian flags. To paraphrase August Bebel’s famous line about anti-Semitism, the hostility of those leftists who oppose helping Ukraine is an anti-imperialism of fools—although, unlike past Jew haters, they are fools with good intentions. Wars are always horrible events, no matter who starts them or why. And we on the left should do whatever we can to stop them from starting and end them when they do. But neither the United States nor its allies forced Putin to invade. In speech after speech, he has made clear his mourning for the loss of the Soviet empire and his firm belief that Ukraine should be part of a revived one, this time sanctified by an Orthodox cross instead of the hammer-and-sickle. As the historian (and my cousin) David A. Bell wrote recently, the United States is not “the only international actor that really matters in the current crisis.” It may have the mightiest war machine, but Biden is not shipping arms to Ukraine in an attempt to subjugate Russia to his will. We should, Bell writes, “judge every international situation on its own terms, considering the actions of all parties, and not just the most powerful one. . . . the horrors Putin has already inflicted on Ukraine, and his long-term goals, are strong reasons . . . for continuing current U.S. policy, despite the attendant costs and risks.” The monetary cost is obviously not small. By the end of January, the United States had spent $46.6 billion on lethal aid to Ukraine. But as a portion of what our bloated military has available to it every year, that sum is little more than a rounding error. The defense budget in the past fiscal year was close to $2 trillion. The cost of the latest U.S. aircraft carrier ran to $13 billion all by itself. The Navy now has eleven aircraft carriers. Isn’t helping Ukraine defend its right to exist as an independent country a worthier expense? The debate over the war among American leftists could have an impact on whether the United States keeps sending substantial aid to Ukraine’s armed forces. Progressives wield more influence in the Democratic Party than they have in decades. So far, most have followed the lead of Bernie Sanders in denouncing the Russian onslaught and endorsing the NATO effort to repel it. More Republicans oppose aiding Ukraine than Democrats. But if that changes, public backing for U.S. policy, already slipping after a year of inconclusive fighting, could crumble entirely. A negotiated settlement may be the only way the war ends. But without a strong and consistent policy of support to the government in Kyiv, the agreement would be on Putin’s terms. One doesn’t have to think the stakes of the conflict in Ukraine are similar to those in the Spanish Civil War to hear echoes from that benighted past. If American leftists take seriously their commitment to self-rule and loathing of foreign aggression, they should shed their ambivalence about supporting Ukraine. But I’ll let a democratic socialist from Ukraine have the last words. “I know that the left tends to look for a nefarious U.S. plot behind everything,” writes the sociologist Alona Liasheva. “Of course, I think it’s important to analyze every conflict to understand all the players, the dynamics, and who’s culpable.” But “In the case of Ukraine, it’s far simpler than many on the left think. Ukraine was attacked by an imperialist army, and as a result we are in a struggle to defend our lives and our very right to exist as a sovereign nation. . . . This is not an abstract question for us. The international left can make a material difference in whether we are able to win or lose.” Michael Kazin is co-editor emeritus of Dissent. |
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Marv Gandall
What Kazin doesn’t appreciate is that he and other pro-war liberals and socialists are the very reason for the appearance of the so-called “red-brown” antiwar coalitions they now lament. The Democrats, Labour, and other left-centre parties have traditionally provided the mass base of previous antiwar movements. By enthusiastically lining up behind the NATO/Ukraine war effort, this mass constituency has effectively left a vacuum which libertarians, Trumpists, and other forces on the right have moved in to partially fill.
While Answer, Code Pink, Stop the War Coalition and other left-wing groups have to their credit initiated protests, the presence of the right has tainted the small but growing movement against the war in Ukraine by injecting reactionary notions that it is a diversion from the need to confront China, to build up dwindling military stockpiles, and to "secure our own borders" against immigrants. In the US, the Republicans are clearly hoping to exploit waning popular support for “Biden’s war” to score gains in next year's presidential and congressional elections. |
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Bobby MacVeety
Marv,
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Thanks for your posts and thoughtful analysis holding it down for those of us who have trouble with the idea of a pro war left. How do we advance the power of the workers who are dying in obscene numbers on each side while arms production reaps record profits? On Mar 14, 2023, at 12:36 PM, Marv Gandall <marvgand2@...> wrote:
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Mark Baugher
On Mar 14, 2023, at 11:16 AM, Bobby MacVeety <bobbymacveety@...> wrote:The leftist tradition represented on this list is neither unconditionally anti-war or pro-war since it depends on the war and the side to be supported. There is also revolutionary defeatism in the case of inter-imperialist war, which Ukraine is not. The call for "peace in Ukraine" while Russia is occupying parts of the country is pro-Putin and ultimately pro-war. But we have already covered this ground, haven't we? Mark |
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David Walters
I don't think anyone is a "pro-war". Pro-national liberation and anti-Imperialism, sure. If folks are against the West arming Ukraine then you are also for Russia ending their occupation? I tend to think not because it is not raised by any "anti-war" coalition or group I'm aware of. Secondly, and I stated this previously, is that the specific "No arms to Ukraine" means more war, not less, because such sentiment is based on the mistaken belief that Ukraine would sue for peace based on that. Dismissed is the idea that Ukrainians will quite literally fight to the death to defend their country doesn't seem to enter this "pro-peace" ideas...or worst, that their beliefs don't even count?
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Marv Gandall
Thanks, Bobby. Appreciate the words of support.
It could be argued that a “red-brown” alliance uniting militarist NATO generals and Western politicians with liberals and socialists urging more and better arms for Ukraine and a continuation of the war until final victory easily dwarfs the one perceived to be spearheading the movement for a ceasefire and negotiated settlement. With regard to the latter, I’m unabashedly in favour of welcoming libertarian students and intellectuals and working class Trump voters who come around the nascent antiwar movement, even if they presently do so for the wrong reasons advanced by the Republican politicians they support. I recall as a foreign student at Wisconsin during the Vietnam war arguing with and being able to recruit Goldwater-inspired members of the Young Americans for Freedom. Doug Henwood, known to many of us, is a conspicuous example of a right-wing libertarian who was turned around at Yale during the war and went on to make important contributions to the left. Of course, the draft and the body bags coming home made it easier then to build a mass antiwar movement, although the huge mobilizations in the lead up to the Iraq war shows that is not a precondition.
My later experience in the trade unions also reinforced for me, as I’m sure for others, the need to engage with workers who don't share our understanding of the class struggle in the workplace and the political arena. That is to say, virtually the whole of the contemporary working class in the developed capitalist countries. How else can one expect to even begin to alter the hugely adverse relationship of forces? So it strikes me as utterly self-defeating to write off all of the libertarians and Trump supporters who oppose the war as brownshirts who, by that logic, need to be met with clubs rather than words.
I believe many of them, working people in particular, can be persuaded that the war should be opposed a) because it is a major contributor to their eroding living standards, b) because the nuclear doomsday clock is closer to midnight than at any time since 1947, c) because the first loyalty of their Republican leaders is not to their interests but to those of the arms manufacturers and energy suppliers benefiting from the war, d) because ordinary Russians and Ukrainians like themselves are slaughtering each other on behalf of their own oligarchs, and e) because a just peace - one which requires the withdrawal of Russian forces from Ukraine and recognition of the democratic rights of its Russian-speaking minority and trade unions - is possible if we come together to demand it. |
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Mark Baugher
On Mar 14, 2023, at 5:01 PM, Marv Gandall <marvgand2@...> wrote:That's a cheap shot: They people that disagree with you are red-brown, not the Putinists that your approach of disarming Ukraine supports. Give me a break. Mark |
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Charles Rachlis
Ukraine: Turn imperialist war into a revolutionary class war War in the Imperialist Epoch The war in Ukraine is a test for revolutionaries, and those who take it seriously go back to Lenin (and Trotsky who adopted Lenin’s position on imperialist war) for guidance. Lenin had a fully developed position on the first Imperialist War (WW1) in which national self-determination was subordinated by inter-imperialist war. In other words, national self-determination of colonies and semi-colonies is not possible short of the defeat of the imperialist powers that oppress them. Today the overwhelming majority of self-identified socialists who should be leading the international working class in Class War Against Imperialist War have instead lined up with competing imperialists in the name of national self-determination to betray themselves as social imperialists. Literally in the name of peace they have joined the conflict cheering workers on into the meat grinder! Who is fighting for class war against the war and who is lining up with one imperialist power or the other and its prox(ies)? There are forces marching here today (March 18th) supporting Putin’s war for the re-establishment of the Czar’s empire. There are forces elsewhere who tell you peace only requires a Kiev regime victory or a Russian withdrawal, almost saying ‘take your pick”! We reject all these social-imperialist slogans and logics. These are pro-war politics, and the calls for negotiations in both flavors are either Washington or Moscow poses. Peace can only be achieved by a victorious working class state, as different from the warring bourgeois states as can be. We are supporters of peace and Ukrainian identity and self-determination, which neither western banksters nor their Russian opposites will abide in the real world. A fake left that indulges or supports these “only sides” or a pacifist ‘neutrality” collapse into liberal anti-worker positions. We say class war against war is the only anti-war position. On May Day 2022 we said: “Today the world faces war between imperialist powers that could easily escalate into a Third world war. The causes of this war are well known to Marxists – imperialism is capitalism in decline, parasitic on workers and nature. When the parasite exhausts its host, nature, there is no way out but to destroy everything it has created including its support system, the biosphere. So the ruling classes of rising great powers challenge the declining powers for hegemony over the ruins of civilization. Humans, the vast majority of which are workers and farmers, are part of nature and they too are expendable. This terminal crisis of capitalism is what has brought us to the war in Ukraine. Dual defeatism and Self Determination The bourgeois doctrine of self-determination of nations means the democratic right to elect governments to create a national market for national capital. As we know, the limits set by national borders to capital accumulation was the cause of capital export and the rise of imperialism more than a century ago. As capitalism overflowed the limits of national markets (inevitable as capital must expand or die), the stronger nations colonized the weaker nations until the world was divided between the big powers and their ‘spheres of influence’. This has led, several world depressions and wars later, to the current situation in which the US bloc and their client states (NATO, ANZUS etc) are in a zero-sum fight to the death with the Russia/China bloc and their client states (BRICs, SCO etc). The fate of semi-colonies (politically independent but economically oppressed) and colonies (still ruled by imperialist powers), is to be occupied, partitioned, and turned into client states of whichever great power wins the political, economic and military wars. Which means when imperialists are competing to dominate semi-colonies to expand their sphere of influence, no one imperialism is more or less evil than the other. They are equally oppressive in search of their privileges. And so is the opportunist social imperialist left desperate to hold onto its privileges. In Ukraine, the right to self-determination, as with all bourgeois rights, emphatically facing the terminal crisis of capitalism, can be realised only by permanent revolution. Lenin, writing in 1914 a few months before the outbreak of war states: ‘To the workers the important thing is to distinguish the principles of the two trends. Insofar as the bourgeoisie of the oppressed nation fights the oppressor, we are always, in every case, and more strongly than anyone else, in favour, for we are the staunchest and the most consistent enemies of oppression. But insofar as the bourgeoisie of the oppressed nation stands for its own bourgeois nationalism, we stand against. We fight against the privileges and violence of the oppressor nation, and do not in any way condone strivings for privileges on the part of the oppressed nation…. …The bourgeois nationalism of any oppressed nation has a general democratic content that is directed against oppression, and it is this content that we unconditionally support, at the same time we strictly distinguish it from the tendency towards national exclusiveness; we fight against the tendency of the Polish bourgeois to oppress the Jews, etc., etc… …we firmly uphold something that is beyond doubt: the right of the Ukraine to form such a state. We respect this right; we do not uphold the privileges of Great Russians with regard to Ukrainians; we educate the masses in the spirit of recognition of that right, in the spirit of rejecting state privileges for any nation… …In this situation, the proletariat, of Russia is faced with a twofold or, rather, a two-sided task: to combat nationalism of every kind, above all, Great-Russian nationalism; to recognise, not only fully equal rights, for all nations in general, but also equality of rights as regards polity, i.e., the right of nations to self-determination, to secession. And at the same time, it is their task, in the interests of a successful struggle against all and every kind, of nationalism among all nations, to preserve the unity of the proletarian struggle and the proletarian organisations, amalgamating these organisations into a close-knit international association, despite bourgeois strivings for national exclusiveness… …Complete equality of rights for all nations; the right of nations to self-determination; the unity of the workers of all nations—such is the national programme that Marxism, the experience of the whole world, and the experience of Russia, teach the workers.’ National self-determination today, meaning independence, and economic equality, like all bourgeois rights, cannot be won by a militarised ‘peoples’ front’ as the proxy for US imperialism. It is possible only as the result of the armed workers and small farmers, led by a revolutionary party, overthrowing the capitalist Bonapartist regime, imposing their own program, forming a workers and small farmers government, imposing their ‘workers democracy’, overthrowing the ruling classes, ending the imperialist war, and allowing the right of self-determination of all peoples to be realised through political and economic unions or federations of socialist states. Since imperialism is the primary cause of national oppression, national self-determination and the defeat of imperialism are aspects of class war transformed by permanent revolution. Therefore, we take the abstract positions of neutrality between imperialist protagonists, combined with support for Ukraine’s or Russia’s self-determination and concretise them in a program of dual defeatism in the imperialists’ countries and armed independence of Ukrainian workers and peasants against both imperialisms and the national bourgeoisie. The “anti-war movement” one year out! As of yet the “anti-war” and the workers movement has not developed a revolutionary dual defeatist attitude toward the war. Rather competing coalitions and groups stake out positions in support of either the imperialist Russian invasion or the Ukrainian ‘Resistance’ under the control of the reactionary Ukraine bourgeois state.
The various counterposed peace movements couch their respective social-imperialist positions in defensist language. The “peace” advocates like Scott Ritter favor a Russian victory and call for negotiations between the belligerents; for them NATO encroachment and ‘deNazification’ legitimize Russia's incursion as consistent with the UN article 51 right to self-defense. His ilk are faking the history of the 21st century in a curious parallel to the white power world of ‘alternative facts.’ Still others abstain, chiefly in Europe, advocating ‘neutrality,’ an absurd position that neither recognizes Ukrainian identity nor interrupts the slide toward WW3, an inter-imperialist war properly so-called, total and without any asterisks! Our comrades at Class Struggle explain how workers view petty bourgeois neutrality: “Imperialism is the epoch of finance capital driven to expand its territories to extract super-profits by means of occupation and war, as well as the export of capital. Marxist practice in response to super exploitation and national oppression is not petty bourgeois ‘neutrality’ which negotiates with different imperialist powers for shares in the colonial booty, but the global proletarian struggle led by a revolutionary communist party, to defeat imperialist oppression at home, and in the oppressed countries! The task of the revolutionary vanguard taken up by the ILTT is to build such parties internationally and form a new revolutionary workers’ International.” Class Struggle (NZ/Ao) Autumn 2023 Two, Three Many Peace Movements Major anti-war coalitions have planned a March on Washington and San Francisco on March 18th. It will unite many of the activists and voices of ‘the movement’ who backed away from taking the stage at the Libertarian-led Rage Against the War Machine (RAWM) rally on February 19th. The RAWM action represented a layer of the isolationist capitalist class, many of whom like Tucker Carlson favor Russia. Carlson’s twisted quip that “Putin never called him a racist” buries the fact that white supremacy has contaminated the Kremlin (contrary to the fake anti-imperialism of RT/Peoples Forum ‘socialists’). The Libertarian organizers of RAWM allotted fascist LaRouche (Schiller Institute) speakers three slots! Chris Hedges and Max Blumenthal were the only notable voices of the ‘left’ who lowered themselves to speak on stage with capitalists and fascists – with a fascist Larouche poster as their backdrop. Hedges' religio-biblical peace sermon ranged from the forces of Moloch, sanctimonious deification, misappropriation and misrepresentation of MLK and “our Red Rosa.” What-abouter, radio personality and conspiracy promoter Jimmy Dore, blind to inter-imperialist conflict and hyped as a beacon of reason by many confused leftists, neither explained the class nature of the conflict nor was he capable of motivating his vast radio audience to take to the streets. Code Pink’s Medea Benjamin, fake peace advocate Scott Ritter, who attended, and neo-Ricardian economics professor Richard Wolff (who poses as a Marxist retailing a redux of FDR’s New Deal and Mondragon corporate socialism) tip-toed out of their earlier endorsements although Benjamin and Ritter left a social media record building the action. Benjamin found ample opportunity to be photographed with other social patriots advocating inter-imperialist negotiations. Needless to say, this alleged socialist described no role for the working class; not in the U.S.A., nor in Russia, nor in Ukraine. For Code Pink only the imperialist butchers get to steer the war events or the supposed peace after it. UNAC and March 18 But for the presence of the capitalist Libertarian Party and the LaRouchite fascists there was not as much as a dime's worth of difference between RAWM and UNAC, (United National Antiwar Coalition). Both want to abolish NATO, Free Assange and raise other democratic demands, but both find common cause with imperialist Russia, favoring its victory. Thus an essential identity politically. Two days after the RAWM show, February 21 at a UNAC webinar, one of those who backed away from the RAWM stage, arms control and disarmament expert/advocate, Scott Ritter, explained that indeed the Russian Special Military Operation phase was a soft process, not a full on Shock and Awe invasion and that it was designed to get Ukraine to negotiate. But NATO scuttled the April 1st negotiations, he says, and armed Ukraine to do its bidding to weaken Russia. This is fake history and what he would be doing on the same platform with any actual socialists would reflect badly but impermissibly on the latter! In a parody of righteous sincerity, Joe Lombardo executive director of the UNAC on February 21, 2023 at a webinar building for the March 18th marches, echoes (at time mark 32:26) Scott Ritter's support for a Russian victory as the only viable road to peace. Lombardo proposes Russian victory is preferred because it will weaken the hegemonic US/NATO imperialist bloc, deNazify Ukraine, and prevent nuclear weapons being placed on Russia’s borders. One wonders if this fake Trotskyist ever understood that the only viable road to peace is victory of the working class spreading socialist revolution against imperialism’s wars. ‘Socialist’ Solidarity with Zelensky Firing at UNAC from across the barricades are ‘comrades’ of the Ukraine Socialist Solidarity Committee (USSC). Oakland Socialist playing a leading role in the committee stakes out their State Department ‘socialism.’ “Any thinking worker – no less any real socialist – will say, “of course the people of Ukraine have the right to defend themselves, arms in hand, against the Russian invaders.” That is what the Ukrainian people are doing, and they should be supported not just politically but militarily.{ed. emphasis} Political support so enunciated is nothing short of the uncritical support of the US proxy capitalist Zelensky regime. They do not even attempt to cover their social patriotism speaking on stage in San Francisco under the flags of the USA and Ukraine. Neither USSC speaker John Reimann nor Cheryl Zuur (admin of the USSC FB page) breached the concept of social revolution, or suggested the working class has a word to say or role to play! Rather they did their utmost to distance themselves from the crimes of the USSR and abdicate their duty as socialists to turn their rhetoric and guns against US imperialism. Yet they do their best to absolve the US of any responsibility for this conflict. Zuur posted Dissent’s Michael Kazin article without reservations or explanation. Kazin quotes his cousin historian David A Bell to absolve the west of any nefarious role in the conflict, Bell writes: “...judge every international situation on its own terms, considering the actions of all parties, and not just the most powerful one. . . . the horrors Putin has already inflicted on Ukraine, and his long-term goals, are strong reasons . . . for continuing current U.S. policy, despite the attendant costs and risks.” Kazin further likens the $46.6 billion of lethal aid to Ukraine to a “rounding error” in the bloated US military budget. He identifies those who oppose defending the Kyiv regime as in league with Trump, Tucker Carlson and the Putin regime. While considering that a negotiated settlement might be the “only way the war ends”, he admonishes the left that “without a strong and consistent policy of support to the government in Kyiv, the agreement would be on Putin’s terms.” (emphasis ours, ed.) Their method of prying every international situation out of the actual unfolding inter-imperialist conflict and redivision of the world is exactly the pragmatism State Department socialists have preferred in a direct and tediously long trajectory, running as fast as possible from Lenin and Trotsky’s dialectics, though Burnham and Shachtman to Biden’s coattails. Reimann and Zuur in their speeches and posts clearly advocate cross-class People's Fronts uniting politically with Zelensky, dropping all reference to the workers or workers’ independent political action and replacing our class’s role with the class neutral “people.” Zuur refrains from closing her ‘socialist intervention’ with any calls for workers power, instead opportunistically playing to the sea of blue and yellow flags with the anti-soviet Banderite war cry “Slava Ukraine!” But don’t take our word for it, listen to theirs. You will not hear advocacy of class struggle, rather they ‘seize the day’ by solidarizing themselves with the right of Ukrainians to “receive the best arms’ they can. The pro-Kyiv regime “socialist peace” bunch advocates orienting workers toward that layer of trade union bureaucrats who historically bind the working class to the US imperialist overlords via the Democratic party. Objectively they protect the military industrial complex, the Wall Street War profiteers and their forces of destruction from class struggle by explicitly calling for the renewal and upgrading of the western imperialist NATO nations’ armaments industries in order to continue supplying the proxy Zelensky regime the weapons it requires for years. Most of the funding these ‘peace advocates’ support and the US has promised, will not reach Ukraine until 2025 or even 2030 given that the arsenals are depleting and the funding will be used to replenish, upgrade and renew them. For this, the manufacturing base necessary no longer exists, resulting in the greatest war production mobilization since Korea, and this right at the moment that banks are imploding! Aborting socialist revolution against war like their mirror opposite, UNAC, they promise workers the peace of the graveyard for the rest of the decade. That’s one promise they can keep, too. Oakland Socialist editor Reimann, USSC organizer, a self avowed ‘socialist’ Biden voter is the ESSENCE of social-imperialism and is exactly the political mirror image of UNAC and Lombardo! No one should be fooled by the camouflage covering up the impossibility of peace OR national self-determination being delivered by any bourgeois regime in Kiev! This regardless of the extent of territorial gains against the Russian forces. As Lenin told us, and in total contradistinction to USSC and its guru Oakland Socialist, national self-determination is not possible short of the defeat of the imperialist powers. For a New Zimmerwald and a new world party of socialist revolution! The ILTT rejects the pragmatism of the contending fake antiwar movements who write the working class out of the equation. We call for a New Zimmerwald, a meeting of all those who struggle for uncompromising class war against all imperialist contenders and their proxies as the only viable method to stop imperialism’s extinction drive toward World War. The workers' anti-war united front must build revolutionary dual defeatism to sweep away the warring imperialist and allied capitalist regimes and profiteers. The terminal crisis of capital is evident in the rapid rate of decomposition of capital as the declining US imperialist bloc races towards a head on collision with the rising China imperialist bloc. No force can avert a third world war spinning into nuclear war other than a new revolutionary communist international that turns civil war into class war ending the rule of capital and imposing the rule of the international working class. For a New Zimmerwald and a New International based on the method and program of the 4th International! For a United, Free and Independent Workers’ and Peasants’ Soviet Ukraine!” On Tuesday, March 14, 2023, 9:36 AM, Marv Gandall <marvgand2@...> wrote:
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Mark Baugher
On Mar 14, 2023, at 8:48 PM, Charles Rachlis via groups.io <Crachlis@...> wrote:Nonsense, the revolutionary position has been to support the NLF, Frelimo and other national liberation struggles rather than tell them to wait until imperialism is overthrown. Mark |
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Didn't the strength of the national liberation struggle in Portugal's African colonies contribute to the overthrow of the imperialist Portuguese gov't in 1975?
If so, it appears to serve as an example that national liberation struggle can grind down an imperial power. Brian Gibbons |
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abraham Weizfeld PhD
It should be evident that the 'self-determination' of colonized nations is to be found in the Donetsk & Lugansk People's Autonomous Republics.
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This is the auto-determination of subjugated nationalities who are imprisoned by the colonialist Nation-State in Kyiv. Ukraine should express its own self-determination, but not by negating another national self-determination - otherwise there is no principle possible. Unfortunately, Ukraine has gone and exercised its self-determination to deny the very same right to other Nations. And to boot, has chosen to abandon its independence and subordinate itself to the ideology of the imperialist powers that be, in NATO. As for building an anti-war movement; there is no reason to adopt a Popular Front Brown-Red alliance as was done in Washington. abrahim -----Original Message-----
From: marxmail@groups.io <marxmail@groups.io> On Behalf Of Mark Baugher Sent: Wednesday, March 15, 2023 12:30 AM To: marxmail@groups.io Subject: Re: [marxmail] Reject the Left-Right Alliance Against Ukraine On Mar 14, 2023, at 8:48 PM, Charles Rachlis via groups.io <Crachlis@...> wrote:Nonsense, the revolutionary position has been to support the NLF, Frelimo and other national liberation struggles rather than tell them to wait until imperialism is overthrown. Mark -=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=- |
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André Doucet
Support for democratic rights, the necessary basis for self-determination, is an indispensable condition of the working class in its struggle for socialism. The path does not stop there for her, even if the capitalist forces involved in it seek to impose their limits. It is part of the struggle for power that the dynamics described by the theory of permanent revolution show well, that a struggle to realize these democratic rights turns into a struggle for socialism. It is astonishing on the part of some who claim to be socialists who are unable to see the importance and the role that the Ukrainian working class plays in this war. Her will attested by sacrifices and her courage for this vital issue for her: a sovereign democratic Ukraine, an indispensable condition of her struggle for her class independence and socialism.
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Charles Rachlis
We are not saying wait till imperialism is overthrown. It is the USSC and UNAC which by their actions tell the workers to wait until imperialism is overthrown before taking up the class struggle. Joe Lombardo offers the victory of Russia as the next progressive step towards liberation while John Reimann offers the victory of Ukraine as the next progressive step. Opposite and equal social imperialists subordinate the class struggle to the national struggle. Revolutionary Marxism and the history of the Russian Revolution show that to overthrow imperialism the national struggle can only be won by the victory of the proletariat thus the class struggle--for power-- must be waged against the national bourgeoisie--even during its participation in the national struggle. The subordinate position of all the colonies which gained de-jure liberation in the post WWII anti-colonial uprisings elevating themselves from the position of colonies to semi-colonies is proof positive of the argument of permanent revolution. Comrades Gibbons and Baugher offer the former Portuguese colonies as examples of national liberation but the economic facts of the present day confirm the liberation afforded them by imperialism favors the imperialist centers be they in the UK, US or China. UK vs Mozambique FDI flow and balance of trade is a picture repeated over and again the research is not that hard to do the imperialists maintain and share the FDI vs OFDI figures. Stalinism has been retailing national liberation without socialist revolution since the time when the Thermidorian reaction subordinated the working class of the USSR to the interests of the bureaucracy with the revisionism inherent in Stalin's Socialism In One Country. Since then Stalinist sycophants have contaminated the workers movement with this poison. For want of socialist revolution the working class is being led down the path of extinction and alongside the Stalinists UNAC and USSC trudge along that path cheering on their favored war makers lamenting the deterioration of the forces of destruction rather than fighting for political class independence and class war against inter-imperialist wars. "The working class and the employing class have nothing in common."
IWW founding congress opening statement
On Tuesday, March 14, 2023 at 09:30:12 PM PDT, Mark Baugher <mark@...> wrote:
> On Mar 14, 2023, at 8:48 PM, Charles Rachlis via groups.io <Crachlis@...> wrote: > > In other words, national self-determination of colonies and semi-colonies is not possible short of the defeat of the imperialist powers that oppress them. Nonsense, the revolutionary position has been to support the NLF, Frelimo and other national liberation struggles rather than tell them to wait until imperialism is overthrown. Mark |
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abraham Weizfeld PhD
And accordingly, this nationalist exclusive nationalism can ignore the Donetsk and Lugansk working-class because they don’t count !?
Reminds me of that Zionist State in Palestine.
abrahim
From: marxmail@groups.io <marxmail@groups.io> On Behalf Of André Doucet
Sent: Wednesday, March 15, 2023 12:23 PM To: marxmail@groups.io Subject: Re: [marxmail] Reject the Left-Right Alliance Against Ukraine
Support for democratic rights, the necessary basis for self-determination, is an indispensable condition of the working class in its struggle for socialism. The path does not stop there for her, even if the capitalist forces involved in it seek to impose their limits. It is part of the struggle for power that the dynamics described by the theory of permanent revolution show well, that a struggle to realize these democratic rights turns into a struggle for socialism. It is astonishing on the part of some who claim to be socialists who are unable to see the importance and the role that the Ukrainian working class plays in this war. Her will attested by sacrifices and her courage for this vital issue for her: a sovereign democratic Ukraine, an indispensable condition of her struggle for her class independence and socialism. |
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Joseph Green
On 15 Mar 2023 at 18:52, abraham Weizfeld PhD wrote: >
> And accordingly, this nationalist exclusive nationalism can
> ignore the Donetsk and
> Lugansk working-class because they don’t count !?
What counts is the actual situation in Donetsk and Lugansk, not the
constantly-repeated Russian imperialist war memes. In 1991, Ukraine voted for
independence from Russia; a majority in the Donbas voted for this independence,
as also took place in all the other regions of Ukraine. The Russian bourgeoisie
never accepted the independence of the various former Soviet republics who
were supposed to have the right of self-determination under the Soviet
constitution (to say nothing of the two brutal wars against the attempted
separation of Chechnya, which didn't officially have the right to
self-determination), and from the start, worked to undermine it through brutal
pressure including military means. This has gone on for three decades.
In the 2014, the Russian government intervened with force after the mass
upsurge in Ukraine, but still the majority in the Donbas wanted to remain in
Ukraine: This was in spite of the sharp rerpression insituted in Russian-controlled
section of the Donbas against any manifestation of sympathy with Ukraine.
Below is an excerpt from Michael Karadjis, with the full text at
https://anticapitalistresistance.org/on-the-fantastic-tale-that-the-ukrainian-army-killed-14000-ethnic-russians-in-donbas-between-2014-and-2022/
"Surveys carried out in 2016 and 2019 by the Centre for East European and International Studies (ZOiS) in Berlin found that in the Russian-controlled parts of Donbas, some 45% of the population were in favour of joining Russia, the majority against. Of the majority against, some 30% supported some kind of autonomy, while a quarter wanted no special status. But in the Ukraine government-controlled two-thirds of Donbas, while the same percentage (around 30%) favoured some kind of autonomy within Ukraine, the two-thirds majority favoured just being in Ukraine with no special status (almost none supported joining Russia). Even this should not be read to mean that, therefore, the chunks seized by the separatists are the regions most in favour of autonomy or separation – given the dispossession of literally half the Donbas population, it more likely means a degree of subsequent relocation between the two zones. "Hence neither ethnic composition nor opinion shows the two Donbas provinces are “Russian” regions that favour separation or even necessarily autonomy; they are very mixed in all aspects. The bits that have been seized, therefore (the fake ‘republics’) are entirely arbitrary – there was no basis for these seizures in terms of any “act of self-determination;” and since the armed conflict took off after these seizures, neither can the seizures and the militarisation be justified as necessary armed defence against some violent wave of government repression of the anti-Maidan." |
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abraham Weizfeld PhD
To assert that “In the 2014, the Russian government intervened with force after the mass upsurge in Ukraine,” is factually incorrect. The regions put into question, Donetsk and Lugansk are named People’s Autonomous Republics, even under the Ukrainian constitution and the negotiated agreements of Minsk I & II. And yet this piece ignores the recent referendae that proves the change of allegiance, now to the degree of 87-92%.
To play sovereignty against self-determination is the game here. This is not revolutionary socialism but rather radical liberalism.
abrahim
From: marxmail@groups.io <marxmail@groups.io> On Behalf Of Joseph Green
On 15 Mar 2023 at 18:52, abraham Weizfeld PhD wrote: > > And accordingly, this nationalist exclusive nationalism can > ignore the Donetsk and > Lugansk working-class because they don’t count !? What counts is the actual situation in Donetsk and Lugansk, not the constantly-repeated Russian imperialist war memes. In 1991, Ukraine voted for independence from Russia; a majority in the Donbas voted for this independence, as also took place in all the other regions of Ukraine. The Russian bourgeoisie never accepted the independence of the various former Soviet republics who were supposed to have the right of self-determination under the Soviet constitution (to say nothing of the two brutal wars against the attempted separation of Chechnya, which didn't officially have the right to self-determination), and from the start, worked to undermine it through brutal pressure including military means. This has gone on for three decades. In the 2014, the Russian government intervened with force after the mass upsurge in Ukraine, but still the majority in the Donbas wanted to remain in Ukraine: This was in spite of the sharp rerpression insituted in Russian-controlled section of the Donbas against any manifestation of sympathy with Ukraine. Below is an excerpt from Michael Karadjis, with the full text at "Surveys carried out in 2016 and 2019 by the Centre for East European and International Studies (ZOiS) in Berlin found that in the Russian-controlled parts of Donbas, some 45% of the population were in favour of joining Russia, the majority against. Of the majority against, some 30% supported some kind of autonomy, while a quarter wanted no special status. But in the Ukraine government-controlled two-thirds of Donbas, while the same percentage (around 30%) favoured some kind of autonomy within Ukraine, the two-thirds majority favoured just being in Ukraine with no special status (almost none supported joining Russia). Even this should not be read to mean that, therefore, the chunks seized by the separatists are the regions most in favour of autonomy or separation – given the dispossession of literally half the Donbas population, it more likely means a degree of subsequent relocation between the two zones. "Hence neither ethnic composition nor opinion shows the two Donbas provinces are “Russian” regions that favour separation or even necessarily autonomy; they are very mixed in all aspects. The bits that have been seized, therefore (the fake ‘republics’) are entirely arbitrary – there was no basis for these seizures in terms of any “act of self-determination;” and since the armed conflict took off after these seizures, neither can the seizures and the militarisation be justified as necessary armed defence against some violent wave of government repression of the anti-Maidan." _._,_._,_ |
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Joseph Green
The very figures of 87-92% would indicate to anyone who exercised the slightest degree of critical thinking that the 2014 referenda in the Donbas were a fraud. The 2022 annexation referenda in the Russian-occupied area of the Donbas had figures of 98.42% and 99.23%. Another absurdity. Does anyone really believe that 98-99% of the people in the Donbas wanted Russia to annex it? Also, Donetsk and Lugansk were oblasts (provinces) of Ukraine, not autonomous republics. Only Crimea was an autonomous republic in Ukraine, although that doesn't justify its annexation by Russia. Meanwhile, as far as legalisms, in the terminology inherited from the Soviet Union, an autonomous republic is different from a union republic, which was supposed to have the right to leave if it so desires. Chechnya-Ingushetia, for example, was an autonomous republic in the Soviet Union, but, unlike the former union republics like Ukraine, it wasn't granted the right to decide whether to leave in 1991. This eventually gave rise to the two Chechen wars, where Putin flattened the capital Grozny rather than see Chechnya leave, so that Grozny has had to be rebuilt pretty much from scratch. And now Putin flattens one town after another in the Donbas and elsewhere in Ukraine. It seems that Putin has become addicted to destroying towns and cities. On 15 Mar 2023 at 23:35, abraham Weizfeld PhD wrote: > > To assert that “In the 2014, the Russian government intervened > with force after > the mass upsurge in Ukraine,” is factually incorrect. The > regions put into > question, Donetsk and Lugansk are named People’s Autonomous > Republics, > even under the Ukrainian constitution and the negotiated > agreements of Minsk I > & II. And yet this piece ignores the recent referendae that > proves the change of > allegiance, now to the degree of 87-92%. > > To play sovereignty against self-determination is the game here. > This is not > revolutionary socialism but rather radical liberalism. > > abrahim > > > |
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Marv Gandall
The picture is not as clear-cut as both sides assert. It's virtually impossible to know what the Russian-speaking minority concentrated in east Ukraine and the Crimea wants given the lack of access to these regions where the war is raging, the continuous movement of displaced populations, and the fear of being branded as a collaborator by either side based on the answer to a survey.
We do know that Western polling showed a substantial percentage of residents in those areas favoured autonomy within Ukraine or full independence after the Maidan uprising installed a pro-Western government in Kyiv which curtailed Russian language rights, banned pro-Russian parties and tolerated Ukrainian nationalist militias like the Azov Battalion entering to do battle with separatist militias. The Minsk accords signed by representatives of Ukraine and Russia acknowledged that there was significant support for some measure of independence from Kiev by requiring referendums to test whether such support constituted a majority. The UN sponsored referendum in East Timor in 1999 was (and remains) IMO an obvious model to determine the wishes of the population. But it is highly doubtful Russia will still agree to such a masure now that it has formally annexed these territories. Ukraine declined to follow through on the Minsk accords because it feared the result of a referendum, and there is no indication it would be prepared to hold one now, despite the certainty expressed by messrs. Green and Karadjis that the residents of Crimea and the Donbas would resoundingly vote in its favour. Perhaps both sides will revive the idea in the context of a peace agreement which involves the withdrawal of Russian forces and security guarantees to both sides, but this is no longer even hinted at. A March 11 report in The Spectator (UK) accepts that the movement for self-determination in the Donbas and Crimea has popular roots and is not a Russian invention, and that we do not know whether sentiment has shifted in the wake of the Russian invasion. According to this pro-Ukraine publication: "Even though Ukraine, for understandable reasons, insists that first Crimea, and then Donetsk and Luhansk were occupied by Russian troops, in reality local separatists who were Ukrainian citizens played a central role in the conflict...The so-called ‘Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics’ were legally a no man’s land, but de facto administered much like Russian provinces. In 2017, Ukraine established a blockade of the statelets, banning trade with them and ceasing to fund infrastructure there. The local administrations became more and more entrenched and, impoverished, the residents of these pseudo-states – nearly 3 million Ukrainian citizens (and over 5 million if you include Crimea) – went on with their lives as best as they could. That meant turning to Russian funding, Russian banks, Russian trade, and, increasingly, Russian passports. These areas have had nine years of Russian integration. "It is hard to gauge the political sympathies of an isolated population living under a brutally repressive regime. But figures from before Donetsk and Luhansk came under the control of pro-Russian separatists are telling. According to a poll conducted in April 2014 by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology, over 70 per cent of respondents in the Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts of Ukraine – where support for Russia was far less consolidated than it was in Crimea – considered the government in Kyiv illegitimate. While this does not mean automatic support for pro-Russian separatism, many in eastern Ukraine felt that no one but the Russian government really heard or represented them. "You might expect that years of Russian brutality has changed people’s minds. For a lot of people, it has. But for many people I’ve spoken to from east of the line of contact – when it was still possible to do so – the question becomes about what they can afford to do and who pays for their groceries. "Ambivalence about Russia was already evident even in the territories Ukraine liberated last autumn after less than a year of Russian occupation. According to the Washington Post, thousands of Russian sympathisers fled Kherson when the Ukrainian army liberated it in November. But thousands more remained, and Ukrainian authorities introduced stringent checkpoints where they questioned civilians – sometimes for days – about their potential collaboration. In Kharkiv, over 4,000 people fled back to Russia. "One explanation is not just Russian brainwashing, but legitimate fear. In March 2022, Ukraine introduced a law against collaborationists making any voluntary association with Russian forces punishable by up to 15 years in prison. But what exactly is voluntary in the long-entrenched separatist strongholds, where there hasn’t been an alternative to working with a Russia-backed administration for years?" Full: https://www.spectator.co.uk/article/can-ukraine-ever-win-over-crimea-and-the-donbas/ |
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abraham Weizfeld PhD
A valuable contribution to the discussion that clarifies what the resident population is actually thinking.
The referendae that legitimatized the separation of the eastern regions from Ukraine were overwhelmingly in favour of leaving the Ukraine Nation-State centralized in Kyiv.
The credibility of these results is only bolstered by referring to those who were not in place to vote but were refugees in the Russian Federation. As such their voting already took place in favour of federating with Russia as People’s Autonomous Republics.
This perspective of minority nationalities who seek their own identity, autonomy and/or independence is supported in the Jewish Bundist concept of National-Cultural Autonomy.
abrahim
From: marxmail@groups.io <marxmail@groups.io> On Behalf Of Marv Gandall
Sent: Thursday, March 16, 2023 3:07 PM To: marxmail@groups.io Subject: Re: AW 2 Re: AW 4 RE: [marxmail] Reject the Left-Right Alliance Against Ukraine
The picture is not as clear-cut as both sides assert. It's virtually impossible to know what the Russian-speaking minority concentrated in east Ukraine and the Crimea wants given the lack of access to these regions where the war is raging, the continuous movement of displaced populations, and the fear of being branded as a collaborator by either side based on the answer to a survey.
_._,_._,_ |
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abraham Weizfeld PhD
According to the figures released by the Kherson regional section of the Russian Central Election Commission, 87.05% (497,051) supported the annexation to the Russian Federation, with 12.05% (68,832) against and 0.9% of ballots invalid, on a turnout of 76.86%.[62][45] T
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2022_annexation_referendums_in_Russian-occupied_Ukraine
From: jgreen@... <jgreen@...>
Sent: Thursday, March 16, 2023 1:58 AM To: abrahim Weizfeld Phd <SaaLaHa@...> Subject: Re: AW 2 Re: AW 4 RE: [marxmail] Reject the Left-Right Alliance Against Ukraine
The very figures of 87-92% would indicate to anyone who exercised the slightest degree of critical thinking that the 2014 referenda in the Donbas were a fraud. The 2022 annexation referenda in the Russian-occupied area of the Donbas had figures of 98.42% and 99.23%. Another absurdity. Does anyone really believe that 98-99% of the people in the Donbas wanted Russia to annex it? Also, Donetsk and Lugansk were oblasts (provinces) of Ukraine, not autonomous republics. Only Crimea was an autonomous republic in Ukraine, although that doesn't justify its annexation by Russia. Meanwhile, as far as legalisms, in the terminology inherited from the Soviet Union, an autonomous republic is different from a union republic, which was supposed to have the right to leave if it so desires. Chechnya-Ingushetia, for example, was an autonomous republic in the Soviet Union, but, unlike the former union republics like Ukraine, it wasn't granted the right to decide whether to leave in 1991. This eventually gave rise to the two Chechen wars, where Putin flattened the capital Grozny rather than see Chechnya leave, so that Grozny has had to be rebuilt pretty much from scratch. And now Putin flattens one town after another in the Donbas and elsewhere in Ukraine. It seems that Putin has become addicted to destroying towns and cities. On 15 Mar 2023 at 23:35, abraham Weizfeld PhD wrote: > > To assert that “In the 2014, the Russian government intervened > with force after > the mass upsurge in Ukraine,” is factually incorrect. The > regions put into > question, Donetsk and Lugansk are named People’s Autonomous > Republics, > even under the Ukrainian constitution and the negotiated > agreements of Minsk I > & II. And yet this piece ignores the recent referendae that > proves the change of > allegiance, now to the degree of 87-92%. > > To play sovereignty against self-determination is the game here. > This is not > revolutionary socialism but rather radical liberalism. > > abrahim > > > |
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