Date   

Trump backers tricked into joining ‘Gay Communists for Socialism’ on Facebook | Facebook | The Guardian

Louis Proyect
 


Bolivarian socialism and the anti-blockade law in Venezuela (Green Left)

Chris Slee
 



"Due to the blockade, sanctions and an economic war, Venezuela’s national wealth has rapidly depleted. To temporarily end the brutal counter-revolution being carried out by the bourgeoisie, the anti-blockade law will use capitalist methods to re-accumulate wealth and form tactical alliances with the bourgeoisie.

"It is important to remember that the economic strategy being implemented by the new law is internally contradictory and is a result of an economic impasse." 

****

This highlights the importance of campaigning against the blockade.

Chris Slee


NY Times: "Steve Bannon Loses Lawyer After Suggesting Beheading of Fauci"

Alan Ginsberg
 

https://www.nytimes.com/2020/11/06/nyregion/bannon-lawyer-beheading.html

Steve Bannon Loses Lawyer After Suggesting Beheading of Fauci

Mr. Bannon, the former adviser to President Trump, said the heads of the F.B.I. director and Dr. Anthony Fauci should be put on pikes, leading Twitter to ban one of his accounts.

Stephen K. Bannon was arrested in August on charges of defrauding donors to a campaign to privately fund a wall on the United States’ border with Mexico.Credit...Jefferson Siegel for The New York Times

Stephen K. Bannon, the former adviser to President Trump who is known for his right-wing extremism, suggested on Thursday that the F.B.I. director and Dr. Anthony S. Fauci should be beheaded, and Twitter responded by banning one of his accounts.

On Friday, a prominent lawyer who was defending Mr. Bannon against fraud charges in federal court in Manhattan abruptly moved to drop him as a client, one person familiar with the matter said.

“Mr. Bannon is in the process of retaining new counsel,” the lawyer, William A. Burck, said in a brief letter to the court, giving no explanation.

A spokeswoman for Mr. Bannon declined to comment.

The loss of his white-shoe representation was just the latest setback for Mr. Bannon, 66, who has struggled for political relevance since losing his job at the White House eight months after Mr. Trump’s inauguration.

Most recently, in the final weeks of the presidential campaign, Mr. Bannon teamed with Rudolph W. Giuliani, the president’s lawyer, laboring to create a narrative that former Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr.’s son Hunter was corrupt, in a bid to harm Mr. Biden’s presidential campaign. The Biden campaign has vigorously denied the unsubstantiated allegations.

Since August, Mr. Bannon has been fighting the criminal charges lodged against him by federal prosecutors in Manhattan, the case in which Mr. Burck has been his lawyer.

Mr. Bannon was arrested on charges of defrauding donors to a campaign to privately fund a wall on the United States’ border with Mexico, one of Mr. Trump’s signature political promises.

The prosecutors have charged that Mr. Bannon and three co-defendants, while pledging publicly not to take any of the money raised for themselves, siphoned off hundreds of thousands of dollars to pay for travel, hotels, personal credit card debt and other expenses.Mr. Bannon and the three co-defendants have pleaded not guilty to the charges. Mr. Burck’s letter asked that the next hearing in the case, which was scheduled for Monday, be postponed while Mr. Bannon found new counsel. The judge agreed set a new date for next month.

Mr. Bannon’s comments were made during a livestream of his online show “War Room: Pandemic.”

The video showed Mr. Bannon calling for violence against Dr. Fauci, the government’s top infectious diseases specialist, and Christopher A. Wray, the F.B.I. director. Both officials have become targets of pro-Trump pundits who accuse them of undermining the president.

Mr. Bannon, in his comments, invoked punishment from the medieval era.

“I’d actually like to go back to the old times of Tudor England,” Mr. Bannon said. “I’d put the heads on pikes, right? I’d put them at the two corners of the White House as a warning to federal bureaucrats: You either get with the program or you’re gone.”

Frank Figliuzzi
@FrankFigliuzzi1
Steve Bannon calls for beheading Dr. Fauci and FBI Director Wray: @FBI #Bannon
6.9K
9K people are Tweeting about this

Twitter banned an account belonging to Mr. Bannon on Thursday that posted video of his remarks.

“The @WarRoomPandemic account has been permanently suspended for violating the Twitter rules, specifically our policy on the glorification of violence,” a Twitter spokesman said.

A video of Mr. Bannon’s remarks also was removed from YouTube, said Alex Joseph, a YouTube spokesman.

“We’ve removed this video for violating our policy against inciting violence,” Mr. Joseph said. “We will continue to be vigilant as we enforce our policies in the postelection period.”

It is not uncommon for defendants to switch lawyers, sometimes because of disagreements over legal strategy or because the legal bills are not being paid.

Mr. Burck gave no reasons for seeking to sever ties with Mr. Bannon in the two-paragraph letter he submitted on Friday to the judge, Analisa Torres of Federal District Court, who must approve a change in lawyers.

Stephen Gillers, a legal ethics expert at New York University School of Law, said speaking generally, “Lawyers will withdraw when a client’s behavior sabotages the lawyer’s work on the client’s behalf.”

Mr. Gillers said he did not know why Mr. Burck was seeking to withdraw from Mr. Bannon’s case, but he added: “Bannon’s public comments made Burck’s job more difficult. Burck was hired to fight the prosecutors and should not also have to do battle with his own client.”

Kate Conger contributed reporting.

Benjamin Weiser is a reporter covering the Manhattan federal courts. He has long covered criminal justice, both as a beat and investigative reporter. Before joining The Times in 1997, he worked at The Washington Post. @BenWeiserNYT

Michael S. Schmidt is a Washington correspondent covering national security and federal investigations. He was part of two teams that won Pulitzer Prizes in 2018 — one for reporting on workplace sexual harassment and the other for coverage of President Trump and his campaign’s ties to Russia. @NYTMike

William K. Rashbaum is a senior writer on the Metro desk, where he covers political and municipal corruption, courts, terrorism and broader law enforcement topics. He was a part of the team awarded the 2009 Pulitzer Prize for breaking news. @WRashbaum Facebook

 

 


How Do You Get From the Trailer Park to a White House Job? Give Money to Trump’s Spiritual Adviser. – Mother Jones

Louis Proyect
 


Psephology in Free Fall | Sam Kriss

Louis Proyect
 

Going through a stack of Baffler Magazines that were accumulating dust on my bookshelves, I noticed this article from the Spring 2017 issue. Written by Sam Kriss, who had been involved in a #Metoo type case of sexual harassment, the article is about how pollsters got the 2016 election wrong. I thought Kriss was a prick long before the #Metoo incident, mostly over his soft Assadism, but he is a good writer. So check it out:

https://thebaffler.com/salvos/psephology-free-fall-kriss


Re: How the Denocrats Screwed Up

Dayne Goodwin
 

thanks, good article

On Fri, Nov 6, 2020 at 10:50 AM <fkalosar101@...> wrote:

So-called "Centrist" Demicraps have begun pounding the drum for a Red Scare with their usual vicious contempt for reality. Kill Bernie Sanders and AOC--it's all their fault!

This article (yes, it's from Jacobin, but) offers a contrasting view about who's to blame for the failure:

https://jacobinmag.com/2020/11/takeaways-election-night-trump-biden-democrats


Re: Centrist House Democrats lash out at liberal colleagues, blame far-left views for costing the party seats

Dayne Goodwin
 

Mike Davis interview: (reposting, from marxmail Oct. 13)
A Scholar of American Doom Doesn’t See How Capitalism Can Fix This Crisis
“The elements are there” for a radical transformation
by Jonny Coleman and Molly Lambert, Mother Jones, October 13
https://www.motherjones.com/media/2020/10/mike-davis-set-the-night-on-fire-interview/

Molly Lambert: Since the last time we saw you there was a pandemic and then the uprisings. Do you feel like this is comparable to any other moments in history?

Mike Davis: . . . We need to face certain facts. It should be obvious—and I must say I was critical of Occupy Wall Street in this sense, right from the beginning, this idea of the 1 percent. In the elections, over the past hundred years where Democratic presidential candidates have had the largest margin of victory, still, the Republicans are able to count on 37 to 41 percent of the vote... Trump’s popularity ratings are still about 40 percent. But you need to ask yourself—why this constant percentage in American political history? What does it say, particularly about the upper middle class, the local country club elites? Today the hedge funds and private equity people are a very large base in this country for conservative politics.... So when we talk about bringing people together, we shouldn’t be talking about it in some vague populist sense, believing that there is this great basis of unity. It’s the 60 percent that we’re talking about and creating a class unity that is based on full recognition of structural racism and systemic discrimination. . . .

But the fact that it took the form of the Sanders campaign also brought with it a fundamental contradiction. The Sanders campaign said that we can both be inside and outside. Most important is the movement in the streets and the workplaces, and political work will be the expression of that, and we can maintain both these things. Well, we’ve seen since Bernie withdrew from the campaign that that wasn’t the case. Tens of thousands of activists were just left stranded while the progressive Democrats were negotiating with Biden in organizing for the election. This would have led to a tremendous sense of defeat and demoralization except for Black Lives Matter, which suddenly created a terrain and an impetus for young people who’d been active to return to the streets and return to activism. . . .

So this raises very difficult but at the same time very traditional issues. Has elected power ever strengthened mobilization and struggle at the level of the grassroots, at the union base, in the communities, and so on? And the answer that was outlined by the German Social Democrat, Robert Michels, 115 years ago after the German Social Democrats won a huge victory in the Reichstag—the answer he gave is no. And this is something that has always haunted the left whenever it’s trying to combine electoral strategy and class struggle in the workplace or mass movements for, for instance, racial equality. . . .

...we should not pretend that this crisis can be managed, because it’s a structural crisis of a different kind from all the postwar recessions or economic crises—it’s far more profound. And one thing that should be obvious is, we’re going to face increasing levels of social violence. And this is the main thing I think most people on the left are really not prepared for. Romantically maybe: If they’re going to start shooting we’ll start shooting back. It’s not going to be that way at all. Now the digital repressive powers are so much greater than in the past, but also because there is really an active neo-fascist movement.... So, in my mind, this means we have to move beyond the Debsian model of left mobilization and see the need to return to a more democratic version of Leninism: the importance of an organization, of organizers capable of making strategic and not just tactical decisions in interventions. ...
 . . .

National Nurses United

This is not what Fox News was expecting, Dayne.

A national exit poll from the network on Tuesday found that 72% of Americans favor changing to a government-run health care plan. Just look:



On Fri, Nov 6, 2020 at 9:47 AM <fkalosar101@...> wrote:
On Fri, Nov 6, 2020 at 09:38 AM, Louis Proyect wrote:
Washington Post, Nov. 6, 2020
Centrist House Democrats lash out at liberal colleagues, blame far-left
views for costing the party seats
Spanberger criticizes Democrats' strategy in caucus call
By Rachael Bade and Erica Werner

“Democrats lost these races because you can’t outspend crazy and
dangerous ideas like defunding the police, Medicare-for-all and
eliminating hundreds of thousands of Texas energy jobs,” said Rep. Kevin
Brady (Tex.), the top Republican on the House Ways and Means Committee.
Biden, ever the good Catholic, will walk on his knees from the White House to Capitol Hill to atone for the DP sin of "leftism."  Get ready for the big Red Scare.  The Dem centrists will try to purge their party of "socialists" and the Republicans will play "See, I Told You So" in the mid-terms, taking both houses and preparing the way for Trump, Jr. or some other horror worse than Trump in '24.  When the Democrats have finished eliminating  every Democrat to the left of Barry Goldwater, the Re-hoes will finish the job.  Socialism has gained huge "mindshare" recently, albeit with no party--will this counterstrike destroy it or will the genie stay out of the lamp permanently this time ?

The left needs to convert the neo-Graeberite horseshit of the "occupations" and the (IMO very popular) cop-out of vulgar anarchism in general into something that can organize general strikes and strike waves and reach down into communities as a party presence that people will come to regard on as a friend and a resource in trouble--a disciplined, organized, welcoming presence.  Massive demonstrations alone IMO have run their course. 
_._,_._,_


H-Net Review [H-Nationalism]: Hill on Doyle, 'American Civil Wars: The United States, Latin America, Europe and the Crisis of the 1860s'

Andrew Stewart
 



---------- Forwarded message ---------
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW <h-review@...>
Date: Fri, Nov 6, 2020 at 3:47 PM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-Nationalism]: Hill on Doyle, 'American Civil Wars: The United States, Latin America, Europe and the Crisis of the 1860s'
To: <h-review@...>
Cc: H-Net Staff <revhelp@...>


Don H. Doyle.  American Civil Wars: The United States, Latin America,
Europe and the Crisis of the 1860s.  Chapel Hill  University of North
Carolina Press, 2017.  272 pp.  $90.00 (cloth), ISBN
978-1-4696-3108-0; $29.95 (paper), ISBN 978-1-4696-3109-7.

Reviewed by Michael A. Hill (Department of History, University of
Kansas)
Published on H-Nationalism (November, 2020)
Commissioned by Evan C. Rothera

Innovative scholars within well-established historiographical fields
are pushing their fields to adapt to the growing interest in
comparative, transnational, and global history. American Civil Wars:
The United States, Latin America, and the Crisis of the 1860s, a
collection of eleven essays edited by esteemed US Civil War historian
Don Doyle, represents a bold effort to define the 1860s as a decade
of international revolution rather than simply the temporal setting
of the American Civil War. As is to be expected in collected
editions, the quality of essays is at times a little uneven, but
taken as a whole the book serves as an important reminder, especially
to United States specialists, that much more happened during the
1860s than the Civil War.

The first three essays, by Jay Sexton, Howard Jones, and Patrick J.
Kelly, internationalize the US Civil War. Sexton's essay argues that
Northerners interpreted Union victory as the culmination of the
American Revolution and that national consolidation accompanying the
victory not only strengthened the US national government, but in so
doing erased fears of European intervention in North America.[1] Even
so, writes Sexton, US projection of power following the Civil War
"proceeded in fits and starts," representing "one of the great
riddles of nineteenth-century U.S. history" (p. 26). Sexton also
locates Confederate defeat largely in the failure of Confederate
diplomacy rather than battlefield losses or home front subversion.
Jones delves even deeper into US and Confederate diplomatic
machinations, particularly efforts to influence British and French
responses to the war. Jones concludes that slavery played very little
role in the decision-making of European powers. The threat of an
actual war with the United States, and not slavery, is "the key to
understanding why London and Paris decided against intervention,"
concludes Jones (p. 51). Kelly addresses the failures of Confederate
diplomacy among Latin American countries. Confederate inconsistency
regarding questions of expansion and commitment to democracy, argues
Kelly, weakened Confederate hemispheric standing. In the end, any
"clout the South might enjoy, in fact, was contingent upon the
strength and influence of the United States" (p. 77).

These essays are followed by three describing European reaction to
the US Civil War. Richard Huzzey examines British responses. Like
Jones, Huzzey concludes that Britain avoided intervention in the
North American conflict out of a desire to avoid war with the Union.
The US Civil War served to expose Britain's weakening hold on its
remaining colonies in the Americas, especially Jamaica and Canada.
The 1860s, argues Huzzey, "confirmed and accelerated the waning
influence of a monarchical, European empire and the rising power of
the republican, American empire" (p. 100). Stève Sainlaude tackles
French reaction to the American Civil War, arguing that intrigue
between Napoleon III and his advisors hampered the French response to
the American Civil War.[2] The Mexican intervention, intended to
weaken both the Union and the Confederacy, backfired horribly, and
"instead of creating a balance of power in North America, it left the
United States more powerful than before" (p. 120). Christopher
Schmidt-Nowara investigates how Spanish officials interpreted the US
Civil War. Initially seen as an opportunity to reassert Spanish will
in the Americas, Schmidt-Nowara concludes that, instead, the conflict
served as "a dress rehearsal, a 'broken image,' for their empire's
own crisis of slavery and sovereignty" (p. 125). Not only did Spain
fail to regain lost territory while the North and South fought one
another, the war contributed to a growing abolitionist movement in
Spain which served to undermine the authority of the Spanish crown in
both Iberia and Cuba. 

The final five essays focus on Latin America during the 1860s.
Whereas the first six essays use the American Civil War as an
organizational device, the essays on Latin America tend to focus more
on specifically Latin American histories. Consequently, the US
conflict plays a far more peripheral role than in the first six
chapters. The authors of these essays importantly demonstrate that
the US Civil War occurred during a contentious period within the
entire Western Hemisphere, during which North American concerns,
while important, were far from central.

In the first Latin American essay, Anne Eller explores how the
beginning of the Civil War allowed Spain to recolonize the Dominican
Republic, seemingly in opposition to contemporaries' perceptions of
the forward march of civilization.[3] Spanish re-annexation failed,
but destabilized the Dominican Republic, leading to later annexation
proposals involving the United States. Most importantly, though,
according to Eller, Puerto Rican and Cuban rebels drew inspiration
from Dominican resistance to Spain, which led directly to
independence movements on those islands. Erika Pani then explores the
French intervention in Mexico, made possible by the US Civil War.
Whereas Sainlaude looks at French motivations for intervention, Pani
places French intervention in the context of the decades-long
struggle between Mexican Conservatives and Liberals. Conservatives
supported Maximilian, made emperor of Mexico by Napoleon III, because
they had long been fighting for a centralized Mexican monarchy.
Interestingly, Pani shows how liberal many of Maximilian's policies
were, including reformist economic and religious principles, and how,
in the wake of the republican victory, "an ideology of combat became
one of Mexico's most enduring unifying political myths" (p. 181).
Hilda Sabato describes the American Civil War as another example of
the conflicts pitting central and local authorities against one
another throughout the Western Hemisphere, especially in South
America. Sabato argues that conflicts such as the American Civil War
and the War of the Triple Alliance, during which Brazil, Argentina,
and Uruguay joined forces against Paraguay, helped consolidate the
power of nation-states by producing well-armed and trained
professional armies in places that had traditionally relied on
militias and national guards. Despite mythologies surrounding citizen
soldiers, the professional armies of the 1860s did much to
consolidate a "strong national state that would monopolize the use of
force, discipline the elites, and reshape the citizenry" (p. 198). 

The last two essays of the book look more closely at Latin America's
two largest slave societies--Cuba and Brazil. Matt Childs argues
that, although slavery survived the 1860s in Cuba, it was thrown into
crisis by the US Civil War. The war brought about the Lyons-Seward
Treaty of 1862, in which British and US forces joined together to put
an end to American participation in the Cuban slave trade. In 1865,
drawing inspiration from US abolitionists, the Spanish Abolitionist
Society formed and worked to abolish the transatlantic slave trade.
These circumstances contributed to the start of the Ten Years' War in
1868, during which thousands of Cuban slaves took up arms for reasons
of emancipation. "When the final abolition of Cuban slavery arrived
in 1886," writes Childs, "the crisis of the 1860s born out of the
U.S. Civil War most certainly began the process that resulted in the
destruction of Cuban slavery" (p. 218). In the book's last essay,
Rafael Marquese argues that prior to 1861, slavery in the US South
protected slavery in Brazil. Although the full abolition of slavery
in Brazil was not achieved until 1888, the end of slavery in the
United States led directly to the passage of a free-womb law in
Brazil in 1871. Also, claims Marquese, the world economy experienced
significant reorganization after the American Civil War and
significantly redefined the range of actions available to Brazilian
elites. While abolition in Brazil was a Brazilian decision, Marquese
concludes that without the US Civil War "it seems likely that the
institution would have continued into the twentieth century--and
perhaps beyond" (p. 240).

Readers looking for a book that places the US Civil War at the center
of the international story of the 1860s will find themselves
disappointed by American Civil Wars. This is not a critique, however.
The book seeks to redefine the 1860s as a global revolutionary
period; the Civil War was only one manifestation of what Don Doyle
calls a "transnational complex of upheavals that included multiple
civil wars, European invasions, separatist rebellions, independence
and unification struggles, slave uprisings, and slave emancipations"
(p. 1). If the impulse behind this project is correct, the 1860s
might be better understood as one of the most revolutionary decades
in history and should be included with discussions of similar
periods, such as 1848. While a collection of essays such as this one
cannot hope to make this point with a single forceful argument, the
sheer number of examples does lend weight to the argument and demands
that scholars take up the work proposed by the volume.

Notes

[1]. Most recently, Gregory Downs provided an interpretation of the
Civil War as a Second American Revolution rather than the culmination
of the American Revolution, with significant Cuban ties in The Second
American Revolution: The Civil War-Era Struggle over Cuba and the
Rebirth of the American Republic (Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina Press, 2019).

[2]. Sainlaude delves much deeper into this topic in his recently
translated book, France and the American Civil War, trans. Jessica
Edwards (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2019).

[3]. Andrew J. Torget sheds light on a similar phenomenon in Texas
prior to US annexation in Seeds of Empire: Cotton, Slavery, and the
Transformation of the Texas Borderlands, 1800-1850 (Chapel Hill:
University of North Carolina Press, 2015).

Citation: Michael A. Hill. Review of Doyle, Don H., _American Civil
Wars: The United States, Latin America, Europe and the Crisis of the
1860s_. H-Nationalism, H-Net Reviews. November, 2020.
URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=55454

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons
Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States
License.




--
Best regards,

Andrew Stewart


Re: Trump Proved That Authoritarians Can Get Elected in America - The Atlantic

fkalosar101@...
 

Trump's rebellion against governance and social structure themselves echo the rightwing anarchism that has always lurked behind the screen of the US worship of masculine strength and authority, however delusional

Who is to say that all the Trumpies will obediently line up behind Trump, Jr., Tom Cotton, or whatever non-human tries to put the Trump genie back into the rightwing bottle?  Will they just line up, don the appropriate "fascist" uniform, and start marching in sync after  this squeaker of a loss?  Or will a discontented right group form in de facto or overt resistance to the elite cabal that is forming to throw their idol under the bus?  What form might that resistance take, and what night it mean in practice?  

If the police go on murdering black people in broad daylight with cameras rolling, will that cement the new rightwing consensus or fracture it? Is racist murder alone sufficient to quell all "anti-elite" grievances" as it has been to cement Trump's near-victory in this election?  

IMO--given the braindead reflexive asslicking reflexes of the Democrats, especially far-right-wing pseudo-centrists like the vampire Rahm Emanuel,, something awful is bound to happen in '02 and therefore probably also, far worse, in '04.  But will this be a straight-up replay of Hitler or Louis Napoleon or something new? 

People say "authoritarian" to avoid saying "fascist"--but what does this really mean in practice under current historical circumstances, especially if social and economic collapse enter the picture?


Trump Proved That Authoritarians Can Get Elected in America - The Atlantic

Louis Proyect
 

By Zeynep Tukfeci

Trump was ineffective and easily beaten. A future strongman won’t be.

https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2020/11/trump-proved-authoritarians-can-get-elected-america/617023/


H-Net Review [H-SHGAPE]: Riotto on Handley-Cousins, 'Bodies in Blue: Disability in the Civil War North'

Andrew Stewart
 



Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW <h-review@...>
Date: November 6, 2020 at 1:10:44 PM EST
To: h-review@...
Cc: H-Net Staff <revhelp@...>
Subject: H-Net Review [H-SHGAPE]:  Riotto on Handley-Cousins, 'Bodies in Blue: Disability in the Civil War North'
Reply-To: h-review@...

Sarah Handley-Cousins.  Bodies in Blue: Disability in the Civil War
North.  Athens  University of Georgia Press, 2019.  xiii + 186 pp.  
$39.95 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-8203-5519-1.

Reviewed by Angela Riotto (Army University Press)
Published on H-SHGAPE (November, 2020)
Commissioned by William S. Cossen

In recent years, historians of the American Civil War have
increasingly turned their attention to studying the "dark" side of
the war: the trauma, the devastation, the ruin, and despair. Sarah
Handley-Cousins adds to this growing scholarship with her
consideration of the broader social and cultural understanding of
war-related disabilities in the Civil War North. Building on the
works of historians and scholars of disability, she analyzes Union
soldiers' disabilities through the social model of disability.
Instead of understanding disability as a problem that needs to be
fixed, the social model considers disabilities as social and cultural
constructs. By studying how the US government, civilians, and United
States soldiers understood and reacted to trauma and disability,
_Bodies in Blue _reveals that these disabled men were "just as likely
to be used, rejected, separated, and distrusted as they were to be
honored" (p. 3).

To explore the multifaceted interpretations of war-related
disability, Handley-Cousins begins her book with the war years and
traces Union soldiers' and veterans' struggles into the twentieth
century. She organizes her book into six chapters, each focusing on
how Union soldiers, veterans, and institutions grappled with
war-related disabilities. She begins with the Invalid Corps, later
renamed the Veteran Reserve Corps. As the first institution
established to respond to the growing numbers of disabled soldiers,
the corps allowed for men to still serve the United States, even if
not on the battlefield. Closely examining soldiers' accounts,
Handley-Cousins argues that the corps unknowingly created a hierarchy
of disability and related anxieties. She further contends that
members of the Invalid Corps found themselves in the awkward space
between soldier and invalid, where they were categorized
simultaneously as able and unable. These wartime anxieties
foreshadowed disabled veterans' later challenges with the pension
system, the topic of a subsequent chapter.  

Just like the soldiers serving in the Invalid Corps, those called the
"walking sick" also occupied a liminal space between abled and
disabled. Many of those who served in the former balked at being
considered disabled. Handley-Cousins explains that the walking sick,
however, actively sought the label. By examining courts-martial
records, Handley-Cousins dives deep into society's expectations of
"true" soldiers (p. 47). She finds that surgeons, officers, and
civilians preferred, accepted, and propagated stories of idealized
Union soldiers who bore suffering with grace, strength, and stoicism.
The men who complained, straggled, or failed to do their duty did not
fit this ideal. Even if sick or wounded, Union soldiers were expected
to grin and bear it. Just as applicants for pensions later found, men
who claimed impairment and asked for help--even if direly
needed--were considered weak and unmanly soldiers.  

The author then turns her attention to the Army Medical Department
and Museum to examine the morbid interest in the war's destruction of
men's bodies. The Army Medical Museum collected and displayed parts
of soldiers' broken bodies to be studied, and once collected, these
parts were no longer the property of those to whom they once belonged
as long as they served in the United States Army. The author relates
several heartbreaking stories of Union soldiers who were denied
access to their own amputated limbs. Even more horrifying, she
reveals that race compounded matters, and some surgeons considered
themselves even more entitled to black bodies. Dead or disabled,
these bodies, black and white, ceased to represent the honorable
soldier and became objects to be used and studied.

The heartbreak continues with the case of Joshua Lawrence
Chamberlain. By exploring Chamberlain's private suffering and his
very public life as a war hero, Handley-Cousins complicates
historians' understanding of manhood and sacrifice. Chamberlain is
known for his valiant actions at Fredericksburg and Gettysburg and
his postwar tenure at Bowdoin College, but few know of the severe hip
wounds that plagued him for the rest of his life. Chamberlain lived
for decades with a painful wound concealed under his clothing. By
simultaneously existing as a war hero and disabled veteran,
Chamberlain complicated the Civil War North's notion of the disabled,
dependent veteran who needed a pension to survive. As Chamberlain's
story proves, not all those who applied for pensions embodied the
trope of the "empty sleeve" (p. 70). Chamberlain's experience
illustrates the diversity of experiences of Civil War disability.  

After her enlightening discussion of Chamberlain, Handley-Cousins
shifts her focus to other disabled veterans and their fights with
Northern institutions. On one hand, the author examines the Pension
Bureau. Just like many of those walking sick who were labeled
malingerers or weak for asking for help, disabled veterans also had
to walk a fine line between worthy and weak. Pensioners had to appear
honorable, and disabled enough, to be considered worthy of
assistance, but not too broken or desperate. Veterans had to fit into
the Bureau's and society's preconceived notions of how a disabled
veteran should act and look. Adding further complication,
Handley-Cousins explains that those who suffered from mental illness
did not fit into any construct and thus struggled to obtain
acknowledgment and support. Using patient case files from three
institutions along with inmates' correspondence, Handley-Cousins
considers how former Union soldiers and their families experienced
war trauma and institutionalization. She notes that the mentally
disabled also occupied a liminal space between living and dead. For
many, "the vacant chair remained empty, but so too did the grave" (p.
132).

There are many strengths in this book and few weaknesses. One
potential shortcoming is the author's choice to take soldiers and
veterans at their word about their own experiences. She admits that
it is possible that these accounts were embellished or fraudulent,
but she contends that these sources are vital to understanding Union
soldiers' experiences. While she supplements these sources with
courts-martial proceedings, newspapers, and asylum records, it would
have been interesting to see her analyze the accounts as constructed
narratives. By analyzing them as constructions, perhaps she would
have also revealed these soldiers' interpretations of their
disabilities, real, fraudulent, or imagined. This, however, does not
detract from the author's contribution to the study of Civil War-era
disability. Handley-Cousins proves that soldiers, civilians, and
institutions struggled to come to terms with war trauma and its many
manifestations, both visible and nonvisible. Disabled veterans
challenged cultural narratives of manhood, sacrifice, and what it
meant to be an honorable citizen-soldier worthy of recognition and
care. _Bodies in Blue_ deserves to be on every Civil War reading
list, as it highlights just how much the war affected many of those
who fought in it.

Citation: Angela Riotto. Review of Handley-Cousins, Sarah, _Bodies in
Blue: Disability in the Civil War North_. H-SHGAPE, H-Net Reviews.
November, 2020.
URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=55021

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons
Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States
License.



How the Denocrats Screwed Up

fkalosar101@...
 

So-called "Centrist" Demicraps have begun pounding the drum for a Red Scare with their usual vicious contempt for reality.  Kill Bernie Sanders and AOC--it's all their fault! 

This article (yes, it's from Jacobin, but) offers a contrasting view about who's to blame for the failure:

https://jacobinmag.com/2020/11/takeaways-election-night-trump-biden-democrats


Re: Centrist House Democrats lash out at liberal colleagues, blame far-left views for costing the party seats

fkalosar101@...
 

On Fri, Nov 6, 2020 at 09:38 AM, Louis Proyect wrote:
Washington Post, Nov. 6, 2020
Centrist House Democrats lash out at liberal colleagues, blame far-left
views for costing the party seats
Spanberger criticizes Democrats' strategy in caucus call
By Rachael Bade and Erica Werner

“Democrats lost these races because you can’t outspend crazy and
dangerous ideas like defunding the police, Medicare-for-all and
eliminating hundreds of thousands of Texas energy jobs,” said Rep. Kevin
Brady (Tex.), the top Republican on the House Ways and Means Committee.
Biden, ever the good Catholic, will walk on his knees from the White House to Capitol Hill to atone for the DP sin of "leftism."  Get ready for the big Red Scare.  The Dem centrists will try to purge their party of "socialists" and the Republicans will play "See, I Told You So" in the mid-terms, taking both houses and preparing the way for Trump, Jr. or some other horror worse than Trump in '24.  When the Democrats have finished eliminating  every Democrat to the left of Barry Goldwater, the Re-hoes will finish the job.  Socialism has gained huge "mindshare" recently, albeit with no party--will this counterstrike destroy it or will the genie stay out of the lamp permanently this time ?

The left needs to convert the neo-Graeberite horseshit of the "occupations" and the (IMO very popular) cop-out of vulgar anarchism in general into something that can organize general strikes and strike waves and reach down into communities as a party presence that people will come to regard on as a friend and a resource in trouble--a disciplined, organized, welcoming presence.  Massive demonstrations alone IMO have run their course.  


(PDF) The Return of Merchant Capitalism

Louis Proyect
 

Recommended to me by Jairus Banaji.

February 2012, International Labor and Working-Class History 81
by Nelson Lichtenstein

https://www.researchgate.net/publication/259424301_The_Return_of_Merchant_Capitalism


Re: BIDEN'S DEBACLE ON THE BORDER

Michael Meeropol
 

Note the difference between SIX YEARS of on the ground organizing by Stacey Abrams!


On Fri, Nov 6, 2020 at 8:56 AM Louis Proyect <lnp3@...> wrote:

(From FB)

BIDEN'S DEBACLE ON THE BORDER by Mike Davis.
The best illustration of Latino second-class citizenship within the Democratic Party is not Miami/Dade where wealthy Cuban and Venezuelan exiles pulled out all the stops to cut the blue margin, but in the seven major Texas border counties whose population of 2.6 million people is 90% Mexican origin (tejano). The national party has many neglected or abandoned constituencies, including Puerto Rico, Indian Country and Appalachia, but southern Texas has a unique strategic significance.
This was acknowledged two days before the election when Democratic National Committee Chair Tom Perez visited the McAllen area. "The road to the White House," he declared, "goes through South Texas. Remember, Beto lost by about 200,000 votes in 2018. We can make up these votes alone in Valley. If we take Latino turnout from 40% to 50%, that's enough to flip Texas."
But the Biden campaign failed to pave that road with campaign resources and attention to local issues. Continuing a long tradition of electoral negligence, the national Democrats were confident that Biden would automatically enlarge Clinton's winning margin in the region without having to divert funds and personnel from all-important suburban battlefields in Texas and elsewhere. The border, after all, is one of the poorest regions in the country with a population routinely vilified by Republican propaganda as aliens and welfare cheats in a state where polls were predicting historic Democratic victories. A blue wave along the Rio Grande from El Paso to Brownsville was assured.
As the hallucination of great gains in Texas dissipated on Wednesday, however, Democrats were stunned to discover that a high turnout had instead propelled a Trump surge along the border. In the three Rio Grande Valley counties (the agricultural corridor from Brownsville to Rio Grande City) which Clinton had carried had carried by 40%, Biden harvested a margin of only 15%. More than half of the population of Starr County, an ancient battlefield of the Texas farmworkers movement, lives in poverty yet Trump won 47% of the vote, an incredible gain of 28% since 2016.
Further up river he actually flipped 82% Latino Val Verde Co. (the McAllen area) and increased his vote in Maverick Co. (Eagle Pass) by 24% and Webb Co. (Laredo) by 15%. Rep.
Even in El Paso, a hotbed of Democratic activism, he made a 6% gain. Considering South Texas as a whole, Democrats had great hopes of winning the 21st CD which connects San Antonio and Austin, as well as the 78% Latino 23rd. which is anchored in the western suburbs of San Antonio and encompasses a vast swathe of southwestern Texas. In both cases, Republicans easily won.
Vincente Gonzalez (D-McAllen) had to fight down to the wire to save the seat he won by 21% in 2018.

Explanation? As Congressman Filemon Velas (D-Brownsville) bitterly complained to a Harlingen newspaper, "I think there was no Democratic national organizational effort in South Texas and the results showed. The visits are nice, but without a planned media and grassroots strategy, you just can't sway voters. When you take voters for granted like national Democrats have done in South Texas for 40 years, there are consequences to pay."



_._,_._,_


Re: Centrist House Democrats lash out at liberal colleagues, blame far-left views for costing the party seats

Heath Eddy
 

In addition, David Sirota noted on Election Night that much of the program Biden pushed in advertising wasn't actually popular. These "centrists" have no idea what the public wants. ACA? Not so much. Government-backed health care? Yes please. 

Tepid centrism never works in elections because it doesn't tell anyone that you'll stand for anything. So you'll compromise everything in search of "getting things done." Which is exactly what we got from Obama. And that's also what contributed to getting us Trump. 

On Fri, Nov 6, 2020 at 10:16 AM Michael Meeropol <mameerop@...> wrote:
What's so ridiculous about these "centrists" is that policies like the Green New Deal and Medicare for All are VERY POPULAR among most of the country.   The other thing they have to realize is that WITHOUT BLACK FOLKS, Biden would not have been elected and they probably would have LOST their majority ---

Instead of blaming the LEFT, they have to just do a better job of PUSHING back against lies ---

THere will of course be a battle for the soul of the Democratic Party --- this happens ALL THE TIME --- (it happened in 2006 when they took the House from the Bush II Republicans --- it happened after Obama won --- and it happened after Trump won).

I am glad that the progressives did not take the shit that was dished out lying down ---

I wonder how many of you recall that Malcolm X in his Autobiography noted that he'd be much more afraid of Johnson than Goldwater because Goldwater made clear he "wasn't for the Black Man" but Johnson was like a "wily fox" ---

I don't think Biden will be able to be anti-black at all but of course he'll have an excuse to be "centrist" because McConnell controls the Senate --

(by the way, some of the logic of the "centrists" was ridiculous --- Obama himself proposed ending the Senate filibuster!!)








Re: Centrist House Democrats lash out at liberal colleagues, blame far-left views for costing the party seats

Michael Meeropol
 

What's so ridiculous about these "centrists" is that policies like the Green New Deal and Medicare for All are VERY POPULAR among most of the country.   The other thing they have to realize is that WITHOUT BLACK FOLKS, Biden would not have been elected and they probably would have LOST their majority ---

Instead of blaming the LEFT, they have to just do a better job of PUSHING back against lies ---

THere will of course be a battle for the soul of the Democratic Party --- this happens ALL THE TIME --- (it happened in 2006 when they took the House from the Bush II Republicans --- it happened after Obama won --- and it happened after Trump won).

I am glad that the progressives did not take the shit that was dished out lying down ---

I wonder how many of you recall that Malcolm X in his Autobiography noted that he'd be much more afraid of Johnson than Goldwater because Goldwater made clear he "wasn't for the Black Man" but Johnson was like a "wily fox" ---

I don't think Biden will be able to be anti-black at all but of course he'll have an excuse to be "centrist" because McConnell controls the Senate --

(by the way, some of the logic of the "centrists" was ridiculous --- Obama himself proposed ending the Senate filibuster!!)








After the 2020 Election, Polling Is Dead

Louis Proyect
 


Ancient Remains in Peru Reveal Young, Female Big-Game Hunter

Louis Proyect
 

Ancient Remains in Peru Reveal Young, Female Big-Game Hunter

Scientists are divided on broader implications of the find for ancient gender roles.

Excavations at the Wilamaya Patjxa site in Peru,
                  where archaeologists recovered roughly 20,000
                  artifacts, including the remains of six people, one of
                  whom was the female hunter.
Excavations at the Wilamaya Patjxa site in Peru, where archaeologists recovered roughly 20,000 artifacts, including the remains of six people, one of whom was the female hunter.Credit...Randall Haas

    • 136

The discovery of a 9,000-year-old female skeleton buried with what archaeologists call a “big-game hunting kit” in the Andes highlands of Peru has challenged one of the most widely held tenets about ancient hunter gatherers — that males hunted and females gathered.

Randy Haas, an archaeologist at the University of California, Davis, and a group of colleagues, concluded in a paper published in the journal Science Advances on Wednesday that this young woman was a big game hunter, who participated with her people in the pursuit of the vicuña and deer that made up a significant portion of their diet.

The find of a female hunter is unusual. But Dr. Haas and his colleagues make a larger claim about the division of labor at this time period in the Americas. They argue that additional research shows something close to equal participation in hunting for both sexes. In general, they conclude, “early females in the Americas were big game hunters.”

Other scientists found the claim that the remains were those of a female hunter convincing, but some said the data didn’t support the broader claim.

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Robert L. Kelly, an anthropologist at the University of Wyoming who has written extensively on hunter gatherers, said that while one female skeleton may well have been a hunter, he was not persuaded by the analysis of other burials that “the prevalence of male-female hunters was near parity.” The researchers’ sample of graves was small, he said, noting that none of the other burials were clearly female hunters.

Bonnie L. Pitblado, an anthropologist at the University of Oklahoma whose specialty is the peopling of the Americas, said the findings were “well-reasoned and an important idea for future testing.” The authors could question gender roles further and what determined them, she said, calling the study “a really refreshing contribution” to studies of early settlers of the Americas.

ImageVicuña in the Andes
                Mountains.
Vicuña in the Andes Mountains.Credit...Randall Haas

In most contemporary and recent societies of hunter gatherers, Dr. Haas said, it is well-established that hunting is predominantly done by males. Archaeological evidence has tended to support the conclusion that past gender roles were similar. On occasion, female remains have been associated with materials that suggested that they were hunters but the examples have been treated as outliers. What if they weren’t, Dr. Haas suggested, and the overall view of hunting should be adjusted?

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He and others found the grave of the young female with the hunting materials at a site called Wilamaya Patjxa in the Puno district of southern Peru at an altitude of almost 13,000 feet. A. Pilco Quispe, a local collaborator, first found artifacts in that area in 2013 near the community of Mulla Fasiri. In 2018, working with community members, Dr. Haas and others excavated an area of about 400 square feet, recovering about 20,000 artifacts. They found five burial sites with remains of six people, one of whom was the hunter.

ECUADOR

Amazon

River

PERU

BRAZIL

Lima

Lake

Titicaca

Pacific

Ocean

Wilamaya Patjxa

Puno

200 MILES

By The New York Times

That find was particularly exciting. One of his collaborators kept finding projectile points, Dr. Haas said, and then a collection of points and other stone tools, with the remains of a skeleton. The group of excavators was thrilled, he said, and the substance of the conversation was, “Oh, he must have been a great chief. He was a great hunter.”

As it turned out, the buried person, who now goes by the scientific identifier WMP6, was female, about 17-19 years old. Her bones were lighter than might have been expected for a male, and a study of proteins in dental enamel, a relatively new technique for sex identification, showed she was definitely female.

Dr. Haas then looked at 429 burials in the Americas from about 14,000 to 8,000 years ago and identified 27 individuals whose sex had been determined who were found with big game hunting implements. Eleven were female and 16 were male. He and his authors acknowledged that the data was not conclusive for these burials, and that the only individual that was undeniably female and a hunter was the person from Wilamaya Patjxa. But, Dr. Haas said, the preponderance of the evidence still led to the conclusion that females were about 30 to 50 percent of the big game hunters.

That conclusion is what Dr. Kelly found unsubstantiated. Two of the burials were of infants, which Dr. Haas and his collaborators described as buried with artifacts that suggested they would be hunters. And he cautioned about reading too much into burials. “The interpretation of grave goods, as a cultural, symbolic act, is not simple or straightforward.”

He had criticisms of the interpretation of the other skeletons as well, and said, “If we accept WMP6 as the only female hunter in the sample, then it suggests the most likely prevalence of female hunters is 10 percent. I would not be surprised at that.”


Centrist House Democrats lash out at liberal colleagues, blame far-left views for costing the party seats

Louis Proyect
 

Washington Post, Nov. 6, 2020
Centrist House Democrats lash out at liberal colleagues, blame far-left views for costing the party seats
Spanberger criticizes Democrats' strategy in caucus call
By Rachael Bade and Erica Werner

An angry dispute erupted among House Democrats on Thursday, with centrist members blasting their liberal colleagues during a private conference call for pushing far-left views that cost the party seats in Tuesday’s election that they had worked hard to win two years ago.

The bitter exchange, which lasted more than three hours as members sniped back and forth over tactics and ideology, reflected the extent to which the 2020 campaign exposed simmering tensions in the party even as its presidential nominee, Joe Biden, stands on the brink of achieving their biggest goal of the year — ousting President Trump.

Party leaders had expressed certainty that Trump’s divisiveness and mishandling of the pandemic would help them expand their majority with wins in GOP-held districts — and yet they lost at least a half-dozen seats and failed to retake the Senate. The explanation laid out by centrists, according to multiple people who were on the call and spoke on the condition of anonymity, is that Republicans were easily able to paint them all as socialists and radical leftists who endorse far-left positions such as defunding the police.

“We need to not ever use the word ‘socialist’ or ‘socialism’ ever again. . . . We lost good members because of that,” Rep. Abigail Spanberger (D-Va.), who narrowly leads in her reelection bid, said heatedly. “If we are classifying Tuesday as a success . . . we will get f---ing torn apart in 2022.”

Other centrists, including Rep. Marc Veasey of Texas, made similar points. Rep. Debbie Mucarsel-Powell, a Florida Democrat who suffered an unexpected loss to a Republican challenger, argued through tears that the party’s infighting on Twitter needs to stop.

Liberals, meanwhile, fired back. Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.), co-chairman of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, argued that Democrats shouldn’t single out people and ideas that energize the party base. Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich.), a self-described democratic socialist, grew angry, accusing her colleagues of only being interested in appealing to White people in suburbia.

“To be real, it sounds like you are saying stop pushing for what Black folks want,” she said.

Democrats are poised to hold the smallest majority in 18 years, undercutting the leverage of House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.). The rancor on Thursday’s call is certain to be more pronounced next year as the party faces the tougher task of uniting to pass legislation.

During the call, Pelosi sought to reassure her members that the election wasn’t as bad as it seemed. Democrats, she argued, have held on to about 70 percent of the 30 Trump-carried districts they won in 2018 — and she predicted they would capture the White House.

“We held the House. Joe Biden is on a clear path to be the next president of the United States,” she said. “We did not win every battle, but we did win the war.”

Pelosi even held out hope of taking control of the Senate, pointing to two likely runoffs in Georgia where Democrats will be severe underdogs. Majority Whip James E. Clyburn (D-S.C.), however, cautioned that if Democrats run on socialized medicine and defunding the police, “we’re not going to win” those races.

Congressional Democrats’ high hopes dashed as GOP clings to Senate majority, scores unexpected gains in the House

In the aftermath of their unexpected losses, Democrats argued that the party needs to come to terms with a bigger problem: Republicans have successfully cast the most vulnerable Democrats as “socialists” and tied them to liberal ideas, including Medicare-for-all, the Green New Deal and cutting police budgets.

It didn’t matter that Biden, House Democratic leadership and most members have rejected calls to “defund the police,” a position that got lost in attack ads.

The attacks, moderates warned, have proved salient and powerful — and Democrats need to figure out a way to address them now.

“Democrats’ messaging is terrible; it doesn’t resonate,” Rep. Kurt Schrader (D-Ore.), a member of the Blue Dog Coalition, said in an interview. “When [voters] see the far left that gets all the news media attention, they get scared. They’re very afraid that this will become a supernanny state, and their ability to do things on their own is going to be taken away.”

The blame game extended beyond the liberal members. Several moderate Democrats said in interviews that Pelosi should have made a deal with the Trump administration on a coronavirus relief package. Many moderates had been pushing her to compromise, fearful that constituents would blame them as Democratic leadership was unwilling to give Trump a legislative victory before the election.

Pelosi has said she was holding out for a better deal and that politics had nothing to do with it. Trump, she argued, wasn’t backing policies that address voters’ needs — but to centrists, that was just an excuse to say no.

“It made us look like obstructionists instead of those up for the challenge the country needs,” said one lawmaker, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to talk frankly. “That was a huge mistake. Trump was like, ‘I’m ready for a deal, make it bigger!’ and Pelosi was obstructing.”

Rep. Cheri Bustos (D-Ill.), the chairwoman of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee who nearly lost her seat, is also facing members’ wrath. On the call, Bustos defended her operation, arguing that Republicans were forced to “spend tens of millions of dollars playing defense, deep into their territory in Arkansas, Montana, Alaska, Missouri, Indiana, western North Carolina, and more.” But she also offered sympathy.

“I also want to say the thing we’re all feeling: I’m furious,” she said. “Something went wrong here across the entire political world. Our polls, Senate polls, gov polls, presidential polls, Republican polls, public polls, turnout modeling and prognosticators all pointed to one political environment — that environment never materialized.”

She added: “I want answers, and my team is already planning how we go and get those answers. I look forward to talking them through with you.”

Privately, Democrats in interviews over the past two days have said the answer is obvious. The party in recent years has moved further left, with some members embracing such liberal ideas as free college, the Green New Deal, eliminating the Senate filibuster and adding justices to the Supreme Court. Many of the House’s rank and file support those policies, though Pelosi and the DCCC have done their utmost to steer the caucus away from those ideas and keep them from advancing in the House.

At the same time, one member noted that 130 House Democrats faced primaries this cycle, with such groups as Justice Democrats defeating establishment Democrats and seeking to punish members who aren’t liberal enough.

Rep. Ocasio-Cortez’s convention speech serves as warning to Democratic establishment and Biden

“There is no question that that was a huge albatross on the necks of so many of our candidates, who unfortunately went down,” said a lawmaker who spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe private discussions. “There has to be a reckoning within our ranks about this because a lot of Justice Democrats don’t give a damn about the Democratic Party. . . . They’re all about purity and orthodoxy, and it is damaging our opportunities.”

In response, Alexandra Rojas, executive director of Justice Democrats, blamed the House Democrats for their own failures.

“They had one job and they blew it,” she said in a statement for this story. “We need a Democratic Party that stands for something more than just being anti-Trump.”

The frustration was evident during the Thursday call, when moderates who won in Trump districts vented about how the use of some language on the left — such as the word “socialism” — is causing problems with those in middle America. But Jayapal, speaking for many Progressive Caucus members, argued that Democrats have had the highest turnout in urban areas in years, including among people of color.

Democrats lost in 2016, she continued, because they didn’t turn out the base.

Rep. Conor Lamb (D-Pa.), a centrist who barely won his seat on Election Day, agreed with Spanberger, however.

“Spanberger was talking about something many of us are feeling today: We pay the price for these unprofessional and unrealistic comments about a number of issues, whether it is about the police or shale gas,” Lamb said. “These issues are too serious for the people we represent to tolerate them being talked about so casually.”

Even some liberals agreed with their moderate colleagues that the language being embraced by the far left needs to change. Rep. Jared Huffman (D-Calif.), a member of the Progressive Caucus who supports universal health care, said the party needs to stop using the word “socialist” altogether.

“I think Republicans did get some traction trying to scare people on this ‘socialist narrative.’ . . . That was a shrewd play from them,” he said in an interview. “These labels do distract us and divide us in unfortunate ways. . . . What’s the point of embracing a phrase like that? All you do is feed into these fears and bogus narratives.”

In swing districts, Republicans spent millions of dollars on ads seeking to tie Democrats to the “defund the police” movement that virtually none supported. In New York, Republicans ran commercials showing a clip of Rep. Max Rose (D-N.Y.) joining a Black Lives Matter march protesting police brutality.

Rose opposes the movement to defund the police, but Republicans accused him of essentially leading the charge to take money from police departments. Rose is trailing his Republican opponent by more than 15 percentage points, with 95 percent of the votes tallied, according to the Associated Press.

Something similar happened to Rep. Anthony Brindisi in Upstate New York. “Cop hater,” Republican attack ads said of him after he likewise joined a protest for equality in criminal justice. Brindisi, who tried to fight back against the charge, is down by more than 10 points, according to the Associated Press, though his race hasn’t been called.

The saliency of the “socialist” messaging may be one where both parties agree. Republicans in multiple news conferences and conversations with reporters this week have cited the Democrats’ move to the left for their unexpected misfortunes.

“Democrats lost these races because you can’t outspend crazy and dangerous ideas like defunding the police, Medicare-for-all and eliminating hundreds of thousands of Texas energy jobs,” said Rep. Kevin Brady (Tex.), the top Republican on the House Ways and Means Committee.