Date   

Re: Trans activists hate Rowling because she’s a woman

Gary MacLennan
 

Well said.


On Thu, Sep 17, 2020 at 8:10 AM Louis Proyect <lnp3@...> wrote:
On 9/16/20 5:51 PM, Carol Stokes wrote:


Not a great idea to post openly rightwing bullshit to a Marxism list. There are some people who I respect who have put forward critiques of trans people from what they believe is a feminist perspective but this is not the place for posting links to the Murdoch press sans your own comments. I booted Max Power and all his sock puppet avatars for that. If you want to post links to Tucker Carlson, Glenn Beck or the Murdoch press, find some other place to do it. Like Twitter or write it on the wall next to a toilet in a public restroom where it belongs.


The Hoarder: critique of logistical capitalism

R.O.
 

(Holland's most leftish sociologist Willem Schinkel (1979, Erasmus University) brings an ode to the hoarder because this figure highlights the internal contradictory nature of logistical capitalism)

In Dutch:
https://www.trouw.nl/religie-filosofie/een-eyeopener-over-de-logistiek-van-het-kapitalisme~b5c4b0b2/

De hamsteraar. Kritiek van het logistiek kapitalisme
Willem Schinkel
Boom 255 blz.; € 22, 50
★★★☆☆
16 september 2020, 23:00

Conclusion

Instead of applying spatial resources, logistics capitalism plays with short delivery times: just-in-time production and distribution. Raw materials and components are only fully assembled at the end of a product. Because of the just-in-time logistics in production and distribution of food a permanent sword of Damocles hangs above our heads. The hoarder shows the precariousness of system: he hoards greater resources than required by the logistic calculus. This makes the hoarder a figure that highlights the internal contradictory nature of capitalism.

De conclusie In plaats van ruimtelijke voorraden aan te leggen, speelt het logistieke kapitalisme met korte toevoertijden: just-in-time productie en distributie. Grondstoffen en onderdelen worden pas helemaal op het einde samengevoegd tot een product. Door de just-in-time logistiek in de productie en distributie van levensmiddelen hangt er permanent een zwaard van Damocles boven ons hoofd. De hamsteraar toont het precaire van het systeem: hij legt grotere voorraden aan dan de logistieke calculus voorschrijft. Dat maakt de hamsteraar tot een figuur die het intern tegenstrijdige karakter van het kapitalisme aan het licht brengt.


Re: Modertor's note

Ken Hiebert
 

This article from 2014 documents a troll campaign against Common Dreams.  The perpetrator was eventually exposed.
     ken hhttps://www.commondreams.org/hambaconeggs


Burial blues for 'Radical Jack' Lieberman, who left big footprint at FSU

Louis Proyect
 


Re: The binary weirdness that is Real Clear Politics

Michael Gregory
 

Sort of like how PETA praising Peter Singer and Robert Byrd makes me want to eat more meat.


From: Michael Gregory <mo_tzu4444@...>
Sent: Wednesday, September 16, 2020 6:08:37 PM
To: marxmail@groups.io <marxmail@groups.io>
Subject: Re: [marxmail] The binary weirdness that is Real Clear Politics
 
Of course anything that cites Charles Murray without qualification is garbage.


From: marxmail@groups.io <marxmail@groups.io> on behalf of David Walters <dwaltersmia@...>
Sent: Wednesday, September 16, 2020 2:40:47 PM
To: marxmail@groups.io <marxmail@groups.io>
Subject: [marxmail] The binary weirdness that is Real Clear Politics
 
The moderators have accurately noted the right-wing (and alt-right wing if such a thing exists) character of the news feeds at real clear politics.  I go to real clear politics everything single day for their polling. They list all the major polling organizations and their results for the upcoming elections. Naturally, most or all of them show Biden trouncing Trump, even now as the date closes in on election day. They list these polls totally without comment. So on the one hand, the fascinating results of the polling for the upcoming capitalist democratic elections are shown along with a news feed that expounds on every conspiracy theory about Biden one has ever heard about.

David


Re: The binary weirdness that is Real Clear Politics

Michael Gregory
 

Of course anything that cites Charles Murray without qualification is garbage.


From: marxmail@groups.io <marxmail@groups.io> on behalf of David Walters <dwaltersmia@...>
Sent: Wednesday, September 16, 2020 2:40:47 PM
To: marxmail@groups.io <marxmail@groups.io>
Subject: [marxmail] The binary weirdness that is Real Clear Politics
 
The moderators have accurately noted the right-wing (and alt-right wing if such a thing exists) character of the news feeds at real clear politics.  I go to real clear politics everything single day for their polling. They list all the major polling organizations and their results for the upcoming elections. Naturally, most or all of them show Biden trouncing Trump, even now as the date closes in on election day. They list these polls totally without comment. So on the one hand, the fascinating results of the polling for the upcoming capitalist democratic elections are shown along with a news feed that expounds on every conspiracy theory about Biden one has ever heard about.

David


Re: Trans activists hate Rowling because she’s a woman

Ryan
 

Yeah I’m not here for TERF bigotry. 

—Ryan
 

On Sep 16, 2020, at 3:10 PM, Louis Proyect <lnp3@...> wrote:


On 9/16/20 5:51 PM, Carol Stokes wrote:


Not a great idea to post openly rightwing bullshit to a Marxism list. There are some people who I respect who have put forward critiques of trans people from what they believe is a feminist perspective but this is not the place for posting links to the Murdoch press sans your own comments. I booted Max Power and all his sock puppet avatars for that. If you want to post links to Tucker Carlson, Glenn Beck or the Murdoch press, find some other place to do it. Like Twitter or write it on the wall next to a toilet in a public restroom where it belongs.


Trump’s ABC town hall: “Herd mentality” comments reveal a president disconnected from reality - Vox

Louis Proyect
 


H-Net Review [H-Africa]: Reid on Van Klinken, 'Kenyan, Christian, Queer: Religion, LGBT Activism, and Arts of Resistance in Africa'

Andrew Stewart
 



---------- Forwarded message ---------
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW <h-review@...>
Date: Wed, Sep 16, 2020 at 7:38 PM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-Africa]: Reid on Van Klinken, 'Kenyan, Christian, Queer: Religion, LGBT Activism, and Arts of Resistance in Africa'
To: <h-review@...>
Cc: H-Net Staff <revhelp@...>


Adriaan Van Klinken.  Kenyan, Christian, Queer: Religion, LGBT
Activism, and Arts of Resistance in Africa.  Africana Religions
Series. University Park  Penn State University Press, 2019.  xiv +
232 pp.  $89.95 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-271-08380-3.

Reviewed by Graeme Reid (Human Rights Watch and Yale University)
Published on H-Africa (September, 2020)
Commissioned by David D. Hurlbut

It Is Complicated: Being Christian and Queer in Kenya

Adriaan van Klinken has written an innovative and ambitious book that
sets out to do a lot: taunt the secular orthodoxy of queer
scholarship with a hint of Pentecostal fervor, complicate religious
studies with a dose of queer theology, and mobilize African
perspectives to provincialize queer theory. The book is as
theoretically versatile as it is methodologically varied. No wonder
"scavenger methodology" is van Klinken's self-descriptor of choice,
drawn from Jack Halberstam. The author describes his approach as "a
somewhat eclectic array" of data and method (p. 19). This is both its
strength and its weakness.

What holds these disparate elements of theory and method together? My
conclusion is that it is essentially the author himself, his
fieldwork experience, his perspectives, beliefs and interest in
various forms of cultural production. Of course, that could be said
about almost any book, but the author of _Kenyan, Christian, Queer_
places particular emphasis on the power of storytelling and inserts
his own experiences as a kind of cartilage between chapters. The
scaffolding of the book consists of four chapters--case
studies--separated by these self-reflective interludes. But despite
the discrete containment of the author's research experiences in the
interludes, his theological perspective permeates the whole book. It
is a kind of magpie combination of elements that is both provocative
and distracting.

In the first chapter van Klinken sets the tone by introducing themes
that recur throughout the book, including his theological framing, a
focus on public representations of subjective lgbt experience (van
Klinken uses lowercase for the acronym throughout to signal the
provisional nature of identity categories), and his treatment of
literary and social text as archive. The chapter begins with a coming
out narrative by Binyavanga Wainaina, written in the form of a lost
chapter of a previously published memoir. Van Klinken then explores
Wainaina's oeuvres, especially his critique of homophobia and one of
its driving forces--Christian dogma. He reframes Wainaina's critique
as visionary and anoints him "prophet," notwithstanding Wainaina's
own skepticism about the title. Is "prophet," then, an appropriate
characterization? While it fits uncomfortably with Wainaina's
disavowal, it resonates with van Klinken's overarching thesis that
sites of possibility are to be found in unexpected, subaltern spaces,
and that these may usefully--if optimistically--be thought of as
prophetic. "I am a homosexual, mum," is the simple truth revealed in
Wainaina's creative nonfiction. It caused a stir, amplified by a
subsequent tweet in which he confirmed: "I am, for anybody confused
or in doubt, a homsexual [sic]. Gay, and quite happy."

Van Klinken sees Wainaina's coming out as a political intervention
that creates new, open-ended possibilities, a leitmotif in his book.
The "lost chapter" concept employed by Wainaina echoes van Klinken's
interest in the value of personal narrative as well as silence,
absence, and the archive. By restoring the missing segment of his
autobiography Wainaina defies the imperative for discrete silence,
conjures the figure of the homosexual in the space of its absence,
and contributes to an ever-expanding archive of queer experience.
Indeed, the concept of archive is reinforced by the work spawned in
the wake of Wainaina's disclosure. In a similar vein, in
_R__eclaiming Afrikan: Queer Perspectives on Sexual and Gender
Identities_ (2014), Zethu Matebeni expanded "queer African archives"
by riffing off Wainaina's satirical essay, "How to Write about
Africa" to reflect ironically on outsider perspectives in her piece
"How NOT to Write about Queer South Africa" (pp. 17, 35). Archive
runs like a red thread through the book but is under-theorized and
stands as almost self-evident. Further interrogation of the concept
of "archive" would enable the reader to understand better the
production, reception, and preservation of certain forms of
knowledge, rather than assume the artifacts of "arts of resistance"
as given. 

Wainaina's coming out story was published in January 2014, in which
there was an intensification of the political use of homophobia,
culminating in pernicious legislation in Uganda and Nigeria. Wainaina
had strong connections to both countries through family and
affectional bonds. Wainaina's story echoes the feminist adage the
"personal is political," to which van Klinken adds his interest in
the "body as a site of struggle," referencing Wainaina's disclosure
of his HIV status, some three years after coming out as gay (echoing
the author's self-disclosure in the interlude "Positive"). Wainaina's
narratives are prime examples, says van Klinken, of what Achille
Mbembe calls "African modes of self-writing" through which he
is--perhaps unwittingly--catapulted into the role of spokesperson (a
role for which he is subsequently criticized by some activists for
not being representative, inclusive, or consistent enough) (p. 35). 

The second chapter interprets a music video by Art Attack, a
Nairobi-based group, featuring the song "Same Love (Remix)" (2016),
which was restricted by the Kenyan Film Classification Board (KFCB),
in part because it went "against the moral values of the country" (p.
61). The lyrics, imagery, reception, and statements made by the
musicians combine to build an argument echoed in the opening lines of
the song to the backdrop of a South African flag: "This song goes out
to the new slaves, the new blacks, the new Jews, the new minorities
for whom we need a civil rights movement, maybe a sex rights
movement. Especially in Africa. Everywhere. This goes out to you. I
feel you" (p. 68). The language of civil rights and minorities
replicates a US-centric playbook as does the original song. The
complication of this intertwining and cultural borrowing deserves
further exploration. The in-depth theological reading of the video
seems like a stretch, given that the religious references are quite
sparse, unless one approaches theology as an analytic tool. 

Van Klinken anticipates and pushes back against the expectation that
queer is synonymous with transgressing norms. Through a contextual
reading of the video, and in particular the social and political
significance of the Nairobi Arboretum, he argues that vanilla, in
context, has the potential to be the new queer vanguard. The setting
of the video--in the shadow of the presidential residence and a site
of religious observance--symbolically reclaims space and is filmed
without official permission, one of the technical reasons cited by
the KFCB for restricting the distribution of the video.

The author nods approvingly at the depiction in the video of
egalitarian same-sex relations as a rejection of heteronormativity,
effectively rendering relations based on a dyad of power
differentials top/bottom, butch/femme (which he suggests are
economically determined) as a form of false consciousness. But
downplaying difference could equally be read as an aspiration toward
modernity and a rejection of relationship patterns that may well be
subjectively experienced by the participants in unexpected ways. This
remains unexamined in the text and speaks to a broader limitation in
his analysis; the images and lyrics are taken as given and not
treated as cultural artifacts worthy of analysis in and of
themselves. More attention to the elements of the video as bricolage
would give further insight into the global circulation of some ideas
over others and the Kenyan appropriation of specifically US styles
and identity-based consciousness. 

The throwaway line about "gay vague"--the mainstream incorporation of
gay sartorial register into everyday style--could be further
developed as a way of highlighting ideas about urbanity, masculinity,
modernity, and the complicated relationship with class and
cosmopolitan style, which makes certain forms of queer expression
palatable, even fashionable, to a certain social milieu (p. 71).
While Audrey Mbugua, founder of Transgender Education and Advocacy
(TEA), has earned a name for herself as provocateur and a thorn in
the side of the lgbt movement, her support of the KFCB and rejection
of trans-inclusivity is an interesting counter-narrative, if
strategically misguided, that resists the global hegemony of lgbt,
exposing these as unstable and contested categories. As a voice in
the wilderness, might she be considered a prophet, of sorts?

The third chapter is about a collection of 250 life stories, curated
by The Nest, an arts collective based in Nairobi, with the intention
of providing a counter-narrative to populist rhetoric that
homosexuality is "un-African." Some of the stories were published in
an anthology, _Stories of Our Lives _(2015) edited by the NEST
Collective, and five of these were dramatized in a film by the same
name, banned by the KFCB. The author engages the stories as
unmediated texts, authentic personal narratives, that can be treated
as an archive of alternative knowledge, located in time and space.
The stories are set in Nairobi, Mombasa, and small towns in Kenya,
but van Klinken makes the point that they also speak to Kenya in
Africa and are located within a global queer imaginary. The author
treats the recurring themes as evidence, taken at face value. I was
left wanting to know more about the archival project, in order to
better understand the production of particular narratives. This again
speaks to the limitations of a theological reading of text, in which
the author appears to take the material almost for granted, rather
than focusing more explicitly on how stories both reflect and produce
subjectivities. It seems interesting to me to focus on how certain
themes and narratives are reproduced, how those echo a political
reality for a specific class of people in Kenya, and how that
resonates with global discourses around lgbt rights. The stories
themselves are bricolage, imagined interiorities that draw on
multiple competing discourses. The stories tell interesting
meta-narratives about the construction of identities, drawing on a
wide range of resources, fast tracked by instant global
communication.

The fourth, and last, chapter is the most methodologically grounded,
not only for my anthropological bias. It is about a queer affirming
church, and his research includes some participant observation,
supplemented by ongoing exchanges in a WhatsApp group. The links to
the US are very direct, notwithstanding the obvious reluctance of The
Fellowship Global to be seen as the initiator and sustainer for what
clearly is a Kenyan project. It is Joseph Tolton of the US-based
Fellowship of Affirming Ministries who confers authority on the
leaders of the Kenyan church community. It seems to me that the very
reason for the need to assert the localness of the church, in the
face of its strong US connections, is interesting in and of itself
and would have been a point of tension to interrogate, rather than
explain. In this sense, it does seem that van Klinken takes on the
mantle of "research as advocacy," the subject of his closing
interlude in which he grapples with the discomfort and veracity of
that role (p. 187). 

Van Klinken's willingness to innovate through his embrace of
"scavenger methodology" and his close attention to sites of
possibility, to prophetic vision, have produced a creative hybrid, a
bricolage, that will stimulate further engagement between disparate
fields, especially between queer studies and religious studies (p.
19). The book also provides new perspectives in the burgeoning field
of queer African studies. Van Klinken is alert to the discordant
notes, personal stories at odds with social norms, acts of defiance
small and large, which he sees as signs of potential for change. In
this way, slivers of subjective experience or events like small,
barely noticed church services emerge as good omens. And that is the
hopeful, optimistic message of his book--van Klinken's version of
"cruising utopia" (p. 138). His use of theology as an interpretive
tool reads, at times, like an uncomfortable overlay. But,
simultaneously, it is radically disruptive of religious orthodoxies.
His turn to feminist (and a smaller body of queer) theology, which
reinterprets "fruitfulness," outside the narrow confines of
reproduction, and the body as a site of connection and pleasure,
stands out (p. 135). The provocation to queer studies to be less
secure in a secular space and pay more attention to religion and
faith is powerful and overdue. His frank appraisal of his fieldwork
experiences and the ways these shape his work make for refreshing
interludes. His approach to religion and queer studies is fruitful
academically and--no matter how reluctant he is to accept the
"researcher as advocate" mantle--also useful in providing necessary
counter-narratives to the homosexuality is "un-Christian" and
"un-African" argument, which has been central to the rhetoric of
political homophobia on the continent since the mid-1990s. By
blurring boundaries, this book makes a valuable contribution to many
fields.

Citation: Graeme Reid. Review of Van Klinken, Adriaan, _Kenyan,
Christian, Queer: Religion, LGBT Activism, and Arts of Resistance in
Africa_. H-Africa, H-Net Reviews. September, 2020.
URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=55344

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons
Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States
License.




--
Best regards,

Andrew Stewart


Moderator's note

Louis Proyect
 

Comrades should remember to clip extraneous text. It was a rule we established in the early days of Marxmail when people were using phone modems and bandwidth was at a premium. Please only include text that is essential to your post as indicated by my example below.

On 9/16/20 8:10 PM, Warren wrote:
I read recently that one third of Biden supporters said they would not accept the results of the election if Trump won.
One third is a popular fraction, it seems.
Warren

American society has polarized in a way that is extraordinarily
one-sided. Roughly one-third of the population has joined a paranoid
right-wing lynch mob. Its champion is Trump, his family dynasty, and his
court of lackeys and bootlickers. Hunting like a pack of wolves, the mob
finds enemies around every corner and lumps all of them together. As
socialists, we resent Biden and Trump, the Democratic Party and the
Republicans.


Re: Hold Your Fire!: A Warning to the Left - COSMONAUT

Warren <warren.edwards@...>
 

I read recently that one third of Biden supporters said they would not accept the results of the election if Trump won.
 
One third is a popular fraction, it seems.
 
Warren
 
 

 
 
Sent: Wednesday, September 16, 2020 at 7:08 PM
From: "Louis Proyect" <lnp3@...>
To: marxmail@groups.io
Subject: [marxmail] Hold Your Fire!: A Warning to the Left - COSMONAUT
American society has polarized in a way that is extraordinarily
one-sided. Roughly one-third of the population has joined a paranoid
right-wing lynch mob. Its champion is Trump, his family dynasty, and his
court of lackeys and bootlickers. Hunting like a pack of wolves, the mob
finds enemies around every corner and lumps all of them together. As
socialists, we resent Biden and Trump, the Democratic Party and the
Republicans. The Right does not perceive these divisions. It sees a
united terrorist conspiracy of
Antifa-Biden-Atheist-Communist-Muslim-illegal-Democrats, funded by
Jewish bankers and Satanic pedophiles. MAGA loyalism has become a
permanent political identity in the United States. Its hats may be red
and it may “back the blue,” but it’s true color has always been the
fiery orange of Donald Trump. It is armed to the teeth and thirsty for
blood.

MAGA loyalists are dreaming of a savage civil war, but there will be no
civil war. The vast majority of leftists understand this, but the point
cannot be emphasized enough. There is no army interested in fighting
such a war. The police may firmly support Trump, but they are schoolyard
bullies with no capacity to fight a real army. Their armored cars would
be flattened in ten seconds by the tanks of the U.S. military.

https://cosmonaut.blog/2020/09/16/hold-your-fire-a-warning-to-the-left/





 
 
 


Re: Whistleblower Says Facebook Ignored Global Political Manipulation

Warren <warren.edwards@...>
 

It's hard to know where to stand with online censorship. When platforms like Twitter or Reddit ban groups, it's usually the left that suffers. WSWS has written a great deal about this. But if there's a platform that doesn't censor its content, they get pilloried as well.
 
Warren

 
 
Sent: Wednesday, September 16, 2020 at 7:19 PM
From: "Louis Proyect" <lnp3@...>
To: marxmail@groups.io
Subject: [marxmail] Whistleblower Says Facebook Ignored Global Political Manipulation
 
 


Whistleblower Says Facebook Ignored Global Political Manipulation

Louis Proyect
 


Hold Your Fire!: A Warning to the Left - COSMONAUT

Louis Proyect
 

American society has polarized in a way that is extraordinarily one-sided. Roughly one-third of the population has joined a paranoid right-wing lynch mob. Its champion is Trump, his family dynasty, and his court of lackeys and bootlickers. Hunting like a pack of wolves, the mob finds enemies around every corner and lumps all of them together. As socialists, we resent Biden and Trump, the Democratic Party and the Republicans. The Right does not perceive these divisions. It sees a united terrorist conspiracy of Antifa-Biden-Atheist-Communist-Muslim-illegal-Democrats, funded by Jewish bankers and Satanic pedophiles. MAGA loyalism has become a permanent political identity in the United States. Its hats may be red and it may “back the blue,” but it’s true color has always been the fiery orange of Donald Trump. It is armed to the teeth and thirsty for blood.

MAGA loyalists are dreaming of a savage civil war, but there will be no civil war. The vast majority of leftists understand this, but the point cannot be emphasized enough. There is no army interested in fighting such a war. The police may firmly support Trump, but they are schoolyard bullies with no capacity to fight a real army. Their armored cars would be flattened in ten seconds by the tanks of the U.S. military.

https://cosmonaut.blog/2020/09/16/hold-your-fire-a-warning-to-the-left/


In Bob Woodward’s ‘Rage,’ a Reporter and a President From Different Universes

Louis Proyect
 

(NYT is not exactly wowed.)

NY Times, Sept. 16, 2020
In Bob Woodward’s ‘Rage,’ a Reporter and a President From Different Universes
By Jennifer Szalai

Rage
By Bob Woodward
Illustrated. 452 pages. Simon & Schuster. $30.

What would it take at this point, amid the crush of books about the Trump White House — after the Mueller report and an impeachment trial and now the coronavirus pandemic — for a revelation about the president to be truly surprising? Would it be to learn that he hates money and harbors dreams of retiring to an ascetic, monk-like existence? That he loves to read and is intimately familiar with the works of Elena Ferrante? Readers who pick up Bob Woodward’s new book, “Rage,” and are tantalized by the promise on its dust jacket of “an utterly vivid window into Trump’s mind,” will quickly get schooled in a lesson that apartment hunters in New York often have to learn: A window can be only so vivid if it looks out onto an air shaft.

Yes, Trump explicitly told Woodward back in March that in public he was deliberately understating (or, to put it more bluntly, lying about) what he had learned about the pandemic: that the coronavirus was, as he told Woodward the month before, “more deadly than even your strenuous flus” but he preferred “to always play it down.” Yet the discrepancy between what Trump knew (the virus was bad) and what he said (it’s all good) was already reported in April. Trump had loudly refused to let American passengers disembark from a cruise ship in March “because I like the numbers being where they are.”

The Trump that emerges in “Rage” is impetuous and self-aggrandizing — in other words, immediately recognizable to anyone paying even the minimal amount of attention. Woodward reminds us at several points that he diligently conducted 17 on-the-record interviews with the president. “In one case,” Woodward explains, for anyone fascinated by his methodology, “I took handwritten notes and the other 16 were recorded with his permission.” The interviews took place over a seven-month period from December 2019 to July 2020. After his first book on Trump, “Fear,” was published two years ago, Woodward says, he started this follow-up intending “to look again and more deeply at the national security team he recruited and built in the first months after his election in 2016.”

One half of “Rage” reads like that original project, a typical Woodwardian narrative of very serious men soberly doing their duty, trying their darnedest to keep the president focused and on message. Woodward is predictably coy about his sources, saying only that he drew from “hundreds of hours of interviews with firsthand participants and witnesses to these events,” nearly all of whom spoke to him on “deep background.”

Still, it’s not hard to guess who some of the principal sources might be based on how closely the book seems to hew to their preferred versions of events. The former defense secretary Jim Mattis has “a stoic Marine exterior and attention-getting ramrod posture, but his bright, open and inviting smile softened his presence.” The former director of national intelligence Dan Coats is “soft on the outside but with a spine of steel on the inside.” (A sign of someone’s unassailable decency to Woodward seems to be this combination of hard and soft.) Along with former secretary of state Rex Tillerson (“a Texan with a smooth voice and an easy laugh”), Woodward deems them “all conservatives or apolitical people who wanted to help him and the country,” singling them out in his epilogue for their impeccable intentions. “Imperfect men who answered the call to public service.”

So far, so tedious. Enter Trump, who in his first interview with Woodward dropped hints about a “secret new weapons system,” and confirmed what Woodward calls a “hard question” about the United States coming “really close to war with North Korea.” Woodward makes much ado about obtaining 25 previously unreported letters between Trump and the North Korean leader Kim Jong-un, relating the contents of a number of them in minute detail. But even he seems hard-pressed to explain their lasting significance, strenuously depicting them as “declarations of personal fealty that might be uttered by the Knights of the Round Table.” Despite all this, North Korea continues to develop “both nuclear and conventional weapons.”

For the most part, Trump turned the 17 interviews into opportunities for his rambling monologues, using Woodward as an audience, inevitably steering the conversations back to his favorite talking points: “fake news,” James Comey, the Mueller report. Woodward tried to get Trump to talk about policy and governing — “This is all for the serious history, Mr. President,” he coaxed — but Trump would have none of it. In April, as the pandemic raged, Woodward went to Trump with a prepared “list of 14 critical areas where my sources said major action was needed” to stop the mass death; what’s puzzling isn’t so much Trump’s refusal to engage with this earnest list as Woodward’s expectation that he would. “We were speaking past each other,” a plaintive Woodward writes, “almost from different universes.”

The universe that Woodward comes from is where the old-school establishment is still venerated, and where Woodward thinks he can ask a president windy, high-minded questions like “What are your priorities?” and “What’s in your heart?” in the hopes that he’ll get some profound material for his book.

It’s also a universe where Woodward can un-self-consciously regurgitate the theory, peddled by the China hawks in the administration, that “China had a sinister goal” and purposefully allowed the coronavirus to turn into a global pandemic. “If they engineered this and intentionally let it out into the world —” Woodward begins saying to Trump, in what reads like an inadvertently comic scene in which Trump is so undisciplined that he can’t even take the bait.

Woodward ends “Rage” by delivering his grave verdict. “When his performance as president is taken in its entirety,” he intones, “I can only reach one conclusion: Trump is the wrong man for the job.” It’s an anticlimactic declaration that could surprise no one other than maybe Bob Woodward. In “The Choice,” his book about the 1996 presidential campaign, he explained something that still seems a core belief of his: “When all is said and sifted, character is what matters most.” But if the roiling and ultimately empty palace intrigues documented in “Rage” and “Fear” are any indications, this lofty view comes up woefully short. What if the real story about the Trump era is less about Trump and more about the people who surround and protect him, standing by him in public even as they denounce him (or talk to Woodward) in private — a tale not of character but of complicity?

Follow Jennifer Szalai on Twitter: @jenszalai.




Re: Trans activists hate Rowling because she’s a woman

Louis Proyect
 

On 9/16/20 5:51 PM, Carol Stokes wrote:


Not a great idea to post openly rightwing bullshit to a Marxism list. There are some people who I respect who have put forward critiques of trans people from what they believe is a feminist perspective but this is not the place for posting links to the Murdoch press sans your own comments. I booted Max Power and all his sock puppet avatars for that. If you want to post links to Tucker Carlson, Glenn Beck or the Murdoch press, find some other place to do it. Like Twitter or write it on the wall next to a toilet in a public restroom where it belongs.


Re: Trans activists hate Rowling because she’s a woman

Andrew Stewart
 

Kirkup is a centrist with conservative leanings who has written more about trans issues than most sensible people:

https://www.spectator.co.uk/writer/james-kirkup

Rowling is a bigot and asshole who also was all about calling Corbyn and Labour antisemitic. Onwards to the proletarian revolution!


Re: Modertor's note

Louis Proyect
 

On 9/16/20 5:42 PM, Carol Stokes wrote:

You're good at dismissing people and ideas but not so good at addressing them. If you didn't like this article, fine. I found it to be very interesting, about the hopelessness of the mindset of racialist politics.
Racialist politics? What kind of tripe is that? The dictionary defines racialism as "a theory that race determines human traits and capacities". Is that what Project 1619 is about? Have you read Project 1619? Or is your reading limited to the back of cereal boxes?


‘A Brief History of Commercial Capitalism’ by Jairus Banaji reviewed by Morteza Samanpour – Marx

Louis Proyect
 


Trans activists hate Rowling because she’s a woman

Carol Stokes <carolstokes36@...>