Date   

Scott Atlas, White House adviser on coronavirus, threatens to sue colleagues back at Stanford

Louis Proyect
 


» Open Letter: Dump Trump, Then Battle Biden

Louis Proyect
 

Most of the names on this lesser-evil pronunciamento are expected, like Noam Chomsky and Michael Albert, who probably initiated it.

A handful raised my eyebrows: Dan La Botz, Stephen Shalom, Victor Wallis, Robert McChesney and Kim Scipes. La Botz and Shalom are connected to New Politics that has largely avoided lesser-evil arguments. Wallis and McChesney are Monthly Review people, same thing with this magazine. Scipes is an independent radical who I don't recall ever descending into the DP muck and mire. All this reflects the heavy pressure on the left to line up behind arguably the shittiest DP candidate since Woodrow Wilson.

https://zcomm.org/znetarticle/open-letter-dump-trump-then-battle-biden/


Re: Eric Topol on vaccines and the election

Jacob Miller <jmiller1982@...>
 

You should understand that there are many companies working on a vaccine in the U.S., and even more around the world. If anything is unprovable, it's that Trump is "conspiring" with one of these companies to rush something to market before its time.

You understand that, even if they claim a vaccine is ready, it will still be a long time before enough of it is produced and distributed to have any effect, right? Given that, an announcement could be made that the vaccine is complete even if it isn't, if the goal is to influence the election.

When an antidote was being worked on for the AIDS virus, the organization ACT UP fought to have drugs fast-tracked through the FDA's approval process, and many of them volunteered to have the drugs tested on them, because people were dying, and they cared.

Something I don't understand is how people on a Marxism list toe the Democratic Party line so faithfully. Not like the donut Democrats, or the red-rose Democrats, but like satellites that never leave their orbit. Once Topol (in this case) veers from presenting evidence to making political calculations, he becomes just another Democrat partisan. 

As far as sock puppets are concerned, if you cannot address the ideas in a post, then don't. Organizations fall apart when people like "fkalosar101" start making unfounded accusations about the members. "Agent provocateur" was an effective one, in the past.

Jacob


Re: Rank-and-file union members snub Biden for Trump

Louis Proyect
 

On 9/22/20 10:05 PM, Dayne Goodwin wrote:
In some unions, especially the building trades, support for the
president remains solid despite the efforts of labor leaders to
convince members otherwise.
by Holly Otterbein and Megan Cassella, POLITICO, Sept. 22
https://www.politico.com/news/2020/09/22/donald-trump-union-support-snub-joe-biden-418329?fbclid

"Joe Biden has pitched himself to voters as a “union man,” a son of
Scranton, Pa., who respects the dignity of work and will defend
organized labor if he wins the White House.

Reagan Democrats.


Rank-and-file union members snub Biden for Trump

Dayne Goodwin
 

In some unions, especially the building trades, support for the
president remains solid despite the efforts of labor leaders to
convince members otherwise.
by Holly Otterbein and Megan Cassella, POLITICO, Sept. 22
https://www.politico.com/news/2020/09/22/donald-trump-union-support-snub-joe-biden-418329?fbclid

"Joe Biden has pitched himself to voters as a “union man,” a son of
Scranton, Pa., who respects the dignity of work and will defend
organized labor if he wins the White House.

"To rank-and-file members in some unions, especially the building
trades, it doesn’t matter. They’re still firmly in Donald Trump’s
camp.

"Labor leaders have worked for months to sell their members on Biden,
hoping to avoid a repeat of 2016 when Donald Trump outperformed among
union members and won the White House. But despite a bevy of national
union endorsements for Biden and years of what leaders call attacks on
organized labor from the Trump administration, local officials in
critical battleground states said support for Trump remains solid."
. . .


Re: Joe Biden Torpedoes Bernie Sanders: 'I Beat the Socialist'

Dayne Goodwin
 

Howie Hawkins on Bernie Sanders
May 2020 interview of Hawkins by G. Baszak
. . .
GB: Some might say that it was the function of Bernie Sanders all
along to get young people to place their hopes in the Democrats...

HH: I think it’s true. My friend, the late Bruce Dixon used the
sheepdog metaphor. Whether it was Bernie’s intention or not, that was
the effect. And I think that was his intention.

His wife, Jane Sanders, spoke to the Left Forum in New York City in
2018 and told the audience in the opening plenary to register as
Democrats. I stood in the back and gave it a thumbs down. She said, I
know you’re not going to do that, but you should. He wanted that so
that people would vote for him in the primaries this time. That’s been
his function.

It’s a shame. I knew him in the 70s when he was a third-party
candidate with the Liberty Union. I worked on his campaign and dropped
leaflets for him. When he set up his Eugene Debs slideshow, I arranged
showings of it. But then when he wanted to get into Congress after
being mayor of Burlington, he got a deal with the Democrats in Vermont
and basically said, don’t run a serious candidate against me as a
Democrat, and I will make sure that progressives in Vermont won’t run
in some of the races that you do want to win. They’ve had this deal
going on. Bernie is nominally an independent, but in practice he’s
functionally a Democrat. For example, in the last Senate election in
2018 when he got re-elected to the U.S. Senate, he was in the
Democratic primary and then he declined the nomination. So he’s on the
ballot as an independent, but there was no Democrat because he’d
gotten their nomination too.
. . .

On Tue, Sep 22, 2020 at 12:45 PM Louis Proyect <lnp3@...> wrote:
Joe Biden Torpedoes Bernie Sanders: 'I Beat the Socialist'
https://www.mediaite.com/news/joe-biden-torpedoes-bernie-sanders-in-pitch-to-wisconsin-voters-worried-about-socialism-i-beat-the-socialist/


On Tue, Sep 22, 2020 at 3:55 PM Roger Kulp <leucovorinsaves@...> wrote:
This is so wrong,and so revisionist,where do you start? The fact that Sanders isn't really a socialist? Or how Obama rigged the primaries to get the other candidates to drop out,after Bernie's big primary wins? Bernie is such a party animal,he is never going to call out Obama's gerrymandering, the way he never called out HRC's and DWS's rigging the election against him, in 2016. I couldn't believe anybody supported Bernie in 2020, after how he shafted his supporters in 2016.


The Interregnum – Spectre Journal

Louis Proyect
 

Spectre’s Tithi Bhattacharya interviewed Meagan Day, Justin Charles, and Charlie Post about the left, electoral strategy, and class and social movements after the defeat of Bernie Sanders in the Democratic primary. In the first section below, each answers Bhattacharya’s questions, and in the second part, they respond to one another.

https://spectrejournal.com/the-interregnum/


The Plot Against George Soros

Louis Proyect
 


H-Net Review [H-Nationalism]: Zander on Nelson, 'The Three-Cornered War: The Union, the Confederacy, and Native Peoples in the Fight for the West'

Andrew Stewart
 



Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW <h-review@...>
Date: September 22, 2020 at 5:06:14 PM EDT
To: h-review@...
Cc: H-Net Staff <revhelp@...>
Subject: H-Net Review [H-Nationalism]:  Zander on Nelson, 'The Three-Cornered War: The Union, the Confederacy, and Native Peoples in the Fight for the West'
Reply-To: h-review@...

Megan Kate Nelson.  The Three-Cornered War: The Union, the
Confederacy, and Native Peoples in the Fight for the West.  New York  
Scribner, 2020.  xx + 331 pp.  $28.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-5011-5254-2.

Reviewed by Cecily Zander (Penn State)
Published on H-Nationalism (September, 2020)
Commissioned by Evan C. Rothera

The introduction of the American West as an important region in the
historiography of the US Civil War has brought many issues into
sharper focus for historians--among them questions about race and
unfree labor in the age of emancipation and the length and extent of
Reconstruction. In the case of historian and writer Megan Kate
Nelson's Three-Cornered War, old debates about nationalism are
revived and given redefined stakes in a work that presents a sweeping
history of competing political and social visions for the future of
the Southwest in the midst of civil war.

In many ways, The Three-Cornered War serves as an update to two
important works on the history of the Civil War's westernmost
events--Alvin M. Josephy Jr.'s The Civil War in the American West
(1991) and Donald S. Frazier's Blood and Treasure: Confederate Empire
in the Southwest (1995).[1] Where Frazier and Josephy lent their
focus to military and diplomatic events, however, Nelson combines a
military narrative with analysis of the social, political, and
environmental factors at play in the region encompassing what is
today West Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, and much of southern Colorado.
Nelson uses a diverse cast of characters, including army officers,
their wives, volunteer soldiers, Native American leaders and Native
American women, Hispanic borderlands residents, and territorial
politicians to weave together a narrative of conquest and
consolidation, where some participants emerge as winners, others
gamble their reputations and lose big, and some have their ways of
life permanently transformed, and often not for the better.

The Three-Cornered War makes a three-pronged argument. First, the
monograph implicitly argues for the importance of the West as an
ideological battleground between visions of a slaveholding empire in
the West and one predicated on free soil and free labor (an empire
for Anglo-Americans at the expense of all others). Second, the book
argues that Civil War events primed the region for debates that would
come to a head in the Reconstruction period, supporting historian
Elliott West's framework of a "Greater Reconstruction" that
encompassed a longer chronology and wider geography than most
traditional histories depict. Finally, Nelson demonstrates that
regardless of its military importance, the West warranted significant
attention from both the Union and Confederate national governments,
whose political and legal maneuvering caught Native American nations
and Mexican peoples in their crossfire.[2]

Historians of nationalism will be especially interested in how
Nelson's argument contributes to the field-defining debate over
whether the Confederacy existed as an independent nation--and whether
it existed as such solely in the minds of Confederates or as a
political entity capable of making and enforcing laws. In her
profiles of both Henry Hopkins Sibley and John Baylor--the two
military officers who led the Confederate invasion of the
Southwest--Nelson makes a case for the Confederacy's territorial
ambitions. Despite Confederate president Jefferson Davis's
pronouncement that "we seek no conquest, no aggrandizement ... all we
ask is to be let alone" in his inaugural address, Nelson shows that
the Confederate government made no attempt to stop Sibley and
Baylor's great land-grab in the Southwest.[3]

Nelson's work thus joins a new wave of scholarship that affirms the
legal and political ambitions of the Confederacy as a nation that
simultaneously waged a war of independence and one of aggrandizement.
Historian Adrian Brettle's recent Colossal Ambitions: Confederate
Planning for a Post-Civil War World (2020) offers an excellent
corollary to Nelson's work, investigating the ways in which
Confederate leaders envisioned their postwar nation, which
encompassed not only the American Southwest but also foreign
territory. Collectively these activities represented a continuation
of the antebellum Southern international ambitions that historian
Matthew Karp detailed in This Vast Southern Empire: Slaveholders at
the Helm of American Foreign Policy (2016). Readers who approach the
question of Confederate nationalism in 2020 cannot ignore the
contributions of all three authors, as well as Paul Quigley's
excellent Shifting Grounds: Nationalism and the American South,
1848-1865 (2011), in assessing whether there was a Confederate
nation. The answer in Nelson's work on the Civil War West is an
implicit yes.[4]

But what about the United States, whose national identity was
fractured by secession? What did the Western arc of the Civil War
mean for the Lincoln government and the ascendant Republican Party in
the territories? Nelson contends that for the United States the Civil
War in the West "exposed a hard and complicated truth about the Union
government's war aims: that they simultaneously embraced slave
emancipation and Native extermination in order to secure an American
empire of liberty" (p. 202). In her discussion of Union territorial
official John Clark, Nelson gives readers a chance to see the
interior politics of territorial expansion. While the Lincoln
government could not commit military resources to the Southwest on a
scale that compared to Virginia or Tennessee, the administration
placed trusted political subordinates in key positions early in the
war. Initially these appointments helped to prevent several
territories from voting in favor of secession, but as the war wore on
they worked to engender greater loyalty to the United States than had
previously existed in the region.

Territorial officials also worked closely with military officers to
approve and carry out one of the most brutal instances of Indian
removal in the nation's history. In 1864 Major General James H.
Carleton (whose California Column represented the largest Union force
in the far West) ordered Kit Carson to march as many as nine thousand
members of the Navajo nation over four hundred miles from their lands
in Arizona to the Bosque Redondo reservation in New Mexico. Carson
adopted a strategy that Civil War Americans were increasingly
becoming familiar with--razing much of the territory he crossed and
destroying Navajo property to compel capitulation. Historian Mark E.
Neeley Jr. has cautioned historians against comparing the strategy of
Carson (or the infamous John Chivington, perpetrator of the Sand
Creek massacre) too closely with that of Ulysses S. Grant, William T.
Sherman, or Phillip H. Sheridan, because, he argues, those officers
did not invent the strategy of "total war." If anything, the Civil
War version was an adaptation of tactics that had long been used
against Native Americans.[5] Nelson's narrative of the Bosque Redondo
and several other postbellum Indian conflicts reveals further
adaptation of the total war strategy and the way in which the Civil
War empowered the military conquest in the American West. From the
perspective of military historians, Nelson could have been clearer
about the development of American military strategy in the Southwest;
however, because the monograph is narratively driven, rather than
historiographically, this is a small quibble.

One final area where Nelson's monograph excels is in telling the
environmental side of the story of the Civil War West. The
Three-Cornered War's attention to the unique conditions present in
the Southwest allows Nelson to explain what set military campaigning
in the Southwest apart from marching and fighting in other Civil War
theaters. In New Mexico access to water mattered far more than any
other condition, for example, and without consistent supplies coming
over an established transportation network, territorial occupation
quickly became untenable--as Henry Hopkins Sibley discovered when his
supply train was destroyed after the battle of Glorietta Pass.
Attention to the environment is critical to Nelson's updated military
narrative and puts her work in conversation with both Kathryn Shively
(Nature's Civil War: Common Soldiers and the Environment in 1862
Virginia, 2013) and Earl J. Hess, (The Civil War in the West: Victory
and Defeat from the Appalachians to the Mississippi, 2012), who
detailed the effect of drought conditions on Confederate general
Braxton Bragg's 1862 Kentucky campaign, which ended similarly to
Sibley's New Mexico invasion.

Books about the US Civil War typically strive toward one goal--making
sense of an event that threw the nation into chaos and touched the
lives of millions of people. Though Megan Kate Nelson only deals with
a handful of individuals, her tapestry of stories offers a compelling
new format for writing about a conflict that often feels too large to
fully grasp. Nelson's characters help her to humanize the Civil War
in the West and should point future historians to rich veins of
testimony about the Civil War era that still have much to reveal
about the conflict's impact on a region that has not traditionally
been part of the geographical narrative. The Three-Cornered War is an
admirable effort to chart a new course on an old map and will no
doubt help to form the foundation of a new field of historical
inquiry into the causes, conduct, and consequences of the Civil War
in the West.

Notes

[1]. Other recent works dealing with the Civil War West include:
Christopher M. Rein, The Second Colorado Cavalry: A Civil War
Regiment on the Great Plains (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press,
2020); Adam Arenson and Andrew R. Graybill, eds., Civil War Wests:
Testing the Limits of the United States (Oakland: University of
California Press, 2015); Virginia Scharff, ed., Empire and Liberty:
The Civil War and the West (Oakland: The Autry National Center and
the University of California Press, 2015; and Ari Kelman, A Misplaced
Massacre: Struggling Over the Memory of Sand Creek (Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press, 2013).

[2]. Elliott West, "Reconstructing Race," Western Historical
Quarterly 3 (Spring 2003):6-26; Elliot West, The Last Indian War: The
Nez Perce Story (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009). Richard
White has taken up a similar argument in his contribution to Oxford's
History of the United States Series. See White, The Republic for
Which It Stands: The United States during Reconstruction and the
Gilded Age, 1865-1896 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017).

[3]. Jefferson Davis, Constitutionalist: His Letters, Papers, and
Speeches, ed. Dunbar Roland, 10 vols. (New York: J. J. Little and
Ives Company, 1923), 5:84.

[4]. Two main schools of thought dominate the historiographical
question of Confederate nationalism, which in turn has been used a
point of analysis for explaining Confederate defeat--loss of civilian
morale and lack of national identity are often identified as two
critical factors in the Confederacy's defeat by the United States.
Nelson's work aligns more strongly with the school of thought that
Confederates did sustain a national identity throughout the conflict
and shows how geographically widespread a belief in Confederate
independence was, encompassing not only the eleven seceded states but
also substantial pockets of the Southwest. For the literature on
Confederate nationalism see Gary W. Gallagher, The Confederate War
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997); William A. Blair,
Virginia's Private War: Feeding Body and Soul in the Confederacy (New
York: Oxford University Press, 1998); Drew Gilpin Faust, The Creation
of Confederate Nationalism: Ideology and Identity in the Civil War
South (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1988); Anne S.
Rubin, A Shattered Nation: The Rise and Fall of the Confederacy,
1861-1868 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2005);
and Stephanie McCurry, Confederate Reckoning: Power and Politics in
the Civil War South (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010).

[5]. Mark E. Neeley Jr., The Civil War and the Limits of Destruction
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007), 165-66.

Citation: Cecily Zander. Review of Nelson, Megan Kate, _The
Three-Cornered War: The Union, the Confederacy, and Native Peoples in
the Fight for the West_. H-Nationalism, H-Net Reviews. September,
2020.
URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=55636

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons
Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States
License.



Re: War Clouds in Eastern Mediterranean

Chris Slee
 

1.  RKOB says:  "We support the right of national self-determination of the Kurdish people".  The problem is that he does not give any support, even critical, to those organisations fighting for Kurdish rights against the oppressive Turkish state - such as the PKK and YPG/YPJ.

2.  In response to my accusation of double standards, RKOB claims that there is a qualitative difference between the Libyan rebels' cooperation with NATO against Gaddafi and the SDF's cooperation with the United States against ISIS.  He says:

"The “little difference” between the YPG and the Libyan rebels is that the later started and waged the struggle independent and that the intervention by NATO (and their collusion with elements of the rebel leadership) was episodically." 

While not very clear, this passage seems to imply that the YPG's struggle against ISIS did not start independently of the US.  But in fact the YPG had been fighting ISIS for months before the US decided to help them.

Secondly, the intervention of NATO in Libya was not merely episodic, as RKOB claims.  It continued (mainly in the form of bombing raids by NATO aircraft, but also with some presence of special forces on the ground) until Gaddafi was overthrown.  For more details see:


NATO avoided sending large numbers of ground troops to Libya because of the experience of Afghanistan and Iraq, where US troops got bogged down in ongoing guerrilla warfare.

In Syria, too, US aircraft carried out bombing raids in support of local forces on the ground - in this case the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF, which includes the YPG/YPJ).  This cooperation continued longer than in Libya, because ISIS proved more resilient than the Gaddafi regime.

Some US troops were also stationed near the Turkish border to deter a Turkish invasion of north-eastern Syria.  Turkey's invasion of Afrin showed its intention to crush the Kurdish-led Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES).  The US was worried that a Turkish invasion of north-eastern Syria would divert the SDF away from the fight against ISIS.  This would enable ISIS to recover and grow stronger, not only in Syria but also in Iraq, hindering attempts to create a stable pro-US regime there.

Trump, however, withdrew US troops from the Syria/Turkey border, enabling Turkey to invade north-eastern Syria, grabbing a strip of land along the border.  The AANES then asked Russia for support in deterring further Turkish aggression.  

Revolutionary movements and revolutionary governments often try to take advantage of rivalries and conflicts amongst different capitalist governments.  Sometimes this involves military cooperation with one state against another state which is a more immediate threat to the revolution.

I don't automatically condemn such cooperation.  But there is always the danger of co-option.  The movement may degenerate and abandon its original goals.

In the long run the only solution is the spread of the revolution.

3.  RKOB denies that the Libyan rebels were racist.  He completely ignores my discussion of the ethnic cleansing of the black people of Tawergha by the strongest rebel armed group, the Misrata militia.

This does not mean that all the rebels were racist, but certainly a substantial part of them were.

Our attitude towards the current conflict between the Turkish-backed Government of National Accord (GNA) and the forces of General Haftar should be influenced by the attitude of each side towards anti-black racism, and towards the refugees from Tawergha.  This is because the struggle against racism is a very important aspect of the struggle for democracy.

I am uncertain whether there is any significant difference between the two sides on this issue.  I will investigate further.

In Syria the SDF is fighting for a democratic society with equal rights for the members of all religious and ethnic groups.  I am not sure that the same can be said of the Libyan GNA.


Chris Slee


From: marxmail@groups.io <marxmail@groups.io> on behalf of RKOB <aktiv@...>
Sent: Monday, 21 September 2020 4:21 PM
To: marxmail@groups.io <marxmail@groups.io>
Subject: Re: [marxmail] War Clouds in Eastern Mediterranean
 

You are simply wrong to claim that we don’t support the Kurdish national liberation struggle. In the document which you criticize we say: “As the RCIT has repeatedly pointed out, we refuse any political support for the bourgeois-Islamist Erdoğan government. We support the right of national self-determination of the Kurdish people.” (Thesis 7, https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/africa-and-middle-east/war-clouds-in-eastern-mediterranean/)

Similar we state in the more extended theses “Turkey and the Growing Tensions in Eastern Mediterranean”: “14. In terms of domestic politics, the Erdoğan regime is a government based on a bourgeois-parliamentary system which increasingly takes bonapartist features. However, calling it “fascist” as many Stalinists are doing is a silly caricature of the very term. Furthermore, another important feature of Erdoğan’s domestic policy is the intensified national oppression of the Kurdish minority. Revolutionaries in Turkey fight for a workers and poor peasant republic and the unconditional right of national self-determination for the Kurdish people.” (https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/africa-and-middle-east/turkey-and-the-growing-tensions-in-eastern-mediterranean/)

What we don’t do – in contrast to you – is to support and cheer the YPG which serves as foot soldiers of U.S. imperialism since more than five years.

Hence, your analogy with the Libyan rebels (which you continue to smear as racist) is unfounded. You say: “But RKOB seems to have a double standard.  In 2011 the Libyan rebels were allied with NATO in the campaign to overthrow Gaddafi.  Yet RKOB does not denounce them as pro-imperialist.”

The “little difference” between the YPG and the Libyan rebels is that the later started and waged the struggle independent and that the intervention by NATO (and their collusion with elements of the rebel leadership) was episodically. The Western imperialists never could bring the country under their full control. Hence, not long after the downfall of Gaddafi the U.S. Ambassador was killed and nearly all imperialist embassies were evacuated. No NATO troops were stationed – may be some special troops operated in secret here and there but there were no military basis.

You might also remember that Obama – in his final long interview - mentioned the military intervention in Libya as one of his big mistakes. Guess why?!

And if the GNA government would be loyal servants of imperialist Great Powers why did they not support it with substantial military aid in the past years?! In contrast, they either stay neutral or support Haftar.

Now compare this to the years-long relationship of the YPG and US imperialism. You have US troops on the ground, close collaboration, military bases – and all this since many years!

One must be really totally blind to ignore the difference!



Re: Joe Biden Torpedoes Bernie Sanders: 'I Beat the Socialist'

Roger Kulp
 

This is so wrong,and so revisionist,where do you start? The fact that Sanders isn't really a socialist? Or how Obama rigged the primaries to get the other candidates to drop out,after Bernie's big primary wins? Bernie is such a party animal,he is never going to call out Obama's gerrymandering,the way he never called out HRC's and DWS's rigging the election against him,in 2016.I couldn't believe anybody supported Bernie in 2020,after how he shafted his supporters in 2016.


Re: Eric Topol on vaccines and the election

Alan Ginsberg
 

Eric Topol is the co-author of this New York Times op-ed, dated Set. 22, 2020.

https://www.nytimes.com/2020/09/22/opinion/covid-vaccine-coronavirus.html

These Coronavirus Trials Don’t Answer the One Question We Need to Know

We may not find out whether the vaccines prevent moderate or severe cases of Covid-19.

By Peter Doshi and

Dr. Doshi is an associate professor at the University of Maryland School of Pharmacy. Dr. Topol is a professor of molecular medicine at Scripps Research.


If you were to approve a coronavirus vaccine, would you approve one that you only knew protected people only from the most mild form of Covid-19, or one that would prevent its serious complications?

The answer is obvious. You would want to protect against the worst cases.

But that’s not how the companies testing three of the leading coronavirus vaccine candidates, Moderna, Pfizer and AstraZeneca, whose U.S. trial is on hold, are approaching the problem.

According to the protocols for their studies, which they released late last week, a vaccine could meet the companies’ benchmark for success if it lowered the risk of mild Covid-19, but was never shown to reduce moderate or severe forms of the disease, or the risk of hospitalization, admissions to the intensive care unit or death.

To say a vaccine works should mean that most people no longer run the risk of getting seriously sick. That’s not what these trials will determine.

The Moderna and AstraZeneca studies will involve about 30,000 participants each; Pfizer’s will have 44,000. Half the participants will receive two doses of vaccines separated by three or four weeks, and the other half will receive saltwater placebo shots. The final determination of efficacy will occur after 150 to 160 participants develop Covid-19. But that is only if the trials are allowed to run long enough. Pfizer will look at the accumulating data four times, Moderna twice and AstraZeneca once to determine if efficacy has been established, potentially leading to an early end to the trials.

Knowing how a clinical trial defines its primary endpoint — the measure used to determine a vaccine’s efficacy — is critical to understanding the knowledge it is built to discover. In the Moderna and Pfizer trials, even a mild case of Covid-19 — for instance, a cough plus a positive lab test — would qualify and muddy the results. AstraZeneca is slightly more stringent but would still count mild symptoms like a cough plus fever as a case. Only moderate or severe cases should be counted.

There are several reasons this is a problem.

First, mild Covid-19 is far more common than severe Covid-19, so most of the efficacy data is likely to pertain to mild disease. But there is no guarantee that reducing the risk of mild Covid-19 will also reduce the risk of moderate or severe Covid-19.

The reason is that the vaccine may not work equally well in frail and other at-risk populations. Healthy adults, who could form a majority of trial participants, might be less likely to get mild Covid-19, but adults over 65 — particularly those with significant frailty — might still get sick.

This is the case with influenza vaccines, which reduce the risk of mild disease in healthy adults. But there is no solid evidence they reduce the number of deaths, which occur largely among older people. In fact, significant increases in vaccination rates over the past decades have not been associated with reductions in deaths.

Second, Moderna and Pfizer acknowledge their vaccines appear to induce side effects that are similar to the symptoms of mild Covid-19. In Pfizer’s early phase trial, more than half of the vaccinated participants experienced headache, muscle pain and chills.

If the vaccines ultimately provide no benefit beyond a reduced risk of mild Covid-19, they could end up causing more discomfort than they prevent.

Third, even if the studies are allowed to run past their interim analyses, stopping a trial of 30,000 or 44,000 people after just 150 or so Covid-19 cases may make statistical sense, but it defies common sense. Giving a vaccine to hundreds of millions of healthy people based on such limited data requires a real leap of faith.

Declaring a winner without adequate evidence would also undermine the studies of other vaccines, as participants in those studies drop out to receive the newly approved vaccine. There may well be insufficient data to address the aged and underrepresented minorities. There will be no data for children, adolescents and pregnant women since they have been excluded. Vaccines must be thoroughly tested in all populations in which they will be used.

None of this is to say that these vaccines can’t reduce the risk of serious complications of Covid-19. But unless the trials are allowed to run long enough to address that question, we won’t know the answer.

The trials need to focus on the right clinical outcome — whether the vaccines protect against moderate and severe forms of Covid-19 — and be fully completed. It is not too late for the companies to do this, and the Food and Drug Administration, which reviewed the protocols, could still suggest modifications.

These are some of the most important clinical trials in history, affecting a vast majority of the planet’s population. It’s hard to imagine how much higher the stakes can be to get this right. Cutting corners should not be an option.

Peter Doshi is an associate professor of pharmaceutical health services research at the University of Maryland School of Pharmacy and an associate editor of The BMJ, a medical journal. Eric Topol is a professor of molecular medicine at Scripps Research, where he founded and directs the Translational Institute, which is focused on individualized medicine.

 

 

 

 

 


What the typical American earns

Louis Proyect
 

Interesting. Average wealth of Americans ranks close to the top globally but median wealth puts it much lower down. That's a function of all the fucking billionaires in this country that skew per capita wealth upwards. Learned about this discrepancy in David Roediger's new book "The Sinking Middle Class".


"Letter to 'Progressive International"

John Reimann
 

When a new “Progressive International” invited Syria’s Yassin al-Haj Saleh to join, he was happy to accept. When he then submitted this letter for their publication, they ceased contacting him without explanation.

[Editor’s note: In April, the Syrian writer and Al-Jumhuriya co-founder Yassin al-Haj Saleh was invited to join the advisory council of the Progressive International, a new movement seeking to “unite, organize, and mobilize progressive forces” around the world, involving well-known figures such as Noam Chomsky, Arundhati Roy, and Yanis Varoufakis. The below letter was to be al-Haj Saleh’s inaugural contribution to the movement’s media arm, Wire; envisaged as a platform “for the world’s progressive forces, translating and disseminating critical perspectives and stories from the grassroots around the world.” The letter, however, was never published by Wire, which ceased correspondence with al-Haj Saleh without explanation. It is published here by Al-Jumhuriya, with minor edits, for the first time.]


https://www.aljumhuriya.net/en/content/letter-progressive-international

--
“Science and socialism go hand-in-hand.” Felicity Dowling
Check out:https:http://oaklandsocialist.com also on Facebook


Re: 'We Are Many' tells the story of the protests of February 15th 2003 when 30 million across the world said NO to the Iraq War

Louis Proyect
 

On 9/22/20 3:02 PM, Dennis Brasky wrote:

'We Are Many' tells the story of the protests of February 15th 2003, when 30 million people across the world said no to the Iraq War. It's an inspiring story of resistance, but it also demonstrates how that historic day has shaped our current world.

https://mondoweiss.net/2020/09/in-2003-30-million-people-hit-the-streets-to-reject-war-an-important-new-film-tells-their-story/

I reviewed the film yesterday timed to a free showing last night:

https://louisproyect.org/2020/09/21/the-swerve-we-are-many/

It will open to general Virtual Cinema release on Sept. 25:

https://www.wearemany.com/screenings-usa/


'We Are Many' tells the story of the protests of February 15th 2003 when 30 million across the world said NO to the Iraq War

Dennis Brasky
 

'We Are Many' tells the story of the protests of February 15th 2003, when 30 million people across the world said no to the Iraq War. It's an inspiring story of resistance, but it also demonstrates how that historic day has shaped our current world.

https://mondoweiss.net/2020/09/in-2003-30-million-people-hit-the-streets-to-reject-war-an-important-new-film-tells-their-story/


Joe Biden Torpedoes Bernie Sanders: 'I Beat the Socialist'

Louis Proyect
 


Amid the Outpouring for Ginsburg, a Hint of Backlash

Louis Proyect
 

NY Times, Sept. 22, 2020
Amid the Outpouring for Ginsburg, a Hint of Backlash
By Jennifer Schuessler

The internet had learned to love Ruth Bader Ginsburg, so it was not surprising that when the news of her death broke on Friday evening, social media lit up with outpourings of love and admiration for this diminutive octogenarian who had been cast as an iron-pumping, dissent-slinging legal ninja.

But those who celebrated her as a one-woman bulwark against the collapse of democracy might have been surprised by something else that bubbled up. Within hours of her death, there also appeared more than a little snarking about the pop-hagiography around her, edged with insinuating questions about just how far-ranging her vision of equality was.

Some noted her poor record of hiring Black law clerks and her comments in 2016 (which she later apologized for) calling Colin Kaepernick’s national anthem protests “dumb” and “disrespectful.”

Others re-upped longstanding critiques of R.B.G.-mania, and perhaps even of the judge herself, as reflecting a myopic “white feminism.” On Twitter, there were calls to remember those “left behind” by the brand of feminism Justice Ginsburg supposedly advanced, along with mocking references to the public grief over her death as a “white women’s 9/11.”

“What conception of women’s rights, and what kind of feminist movement, might have died with Ginsburg?,” Melissa Gira Grant wrote in The New Republic, questioning what she called “the false idea of Ginsburg as liberal or feminist savior.”

The whiff of a backlash reflects longstanding tensions within feminism, as a movement sometimes criticized for being symbolized by, and primarily serving, middle-class white women has been challenged by a perspective that emphasizes the interplay of race, class, gender and other factors. It’s a tension that has only grown amid the Black Lives Matter protests of the past summer, as some have questioned whether a highly empowered older white woman ensconced in an elite institution was a fit hero for the moment.

But some who share the broader critique of feminism say that seeing Justice Ginsburg as a symbol of a blinkered white perspective is as reductive as an R.B.G. sticker.

“As a Black person, I definitely would have liked to see her be more forward thinking on racial justice issues over the past few years,” Imani Gandy, senior editor for law and policy at Rewire News and co-host of the “Boom! Lawyered” podcast, said. “But denigrating her as an out-of-touch white feminist is a real disservice.”

“There’s this weird demonization vibe that’s really blowback from a lot of the R.B.G. feminist cult-icon stuff that she didn’t ask for,” she said.

Justice Ginsburg’s towering reputation as a legal thinker rests on work she pioneered in the 1970s, through the American Civil Liberties Union’s Women’s Rights Project, which she co-founded. In a string of landmark cases, she successfully challenged the Supreme Court’s view that the equal protection clause of the 14th amendment guarded only against racial discrimination, but permitted sex discrimination (which was often justified as being for women’s own good).

But her fan culture is of much more recent vintage, and springs, paradoxically, from her defeats, rather than her victories. In 2013, Justice Ginsburg issued a blistering dissent in Shelby County v. Holder, denouncing the Court’s invalidation of central portions of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 on the grounds that they were no longer necessary “like throwing away your umbrella in a rainstorm because you are not getting wet.”

The dissent, which Justice Ginsburg read aloud from the bench, drew an electric response. The digital strategist Aminatou Sow, and the designer Frank Chi posted stickers reading “You Can’t Spell Truth Without Ruth” around Washington. The dissent also set off an explosion of online memes, cataloged in the Notorious R.B.G. Tumblr account started by Shana Knizhnik, a law student.

The journalist Irin Carmon, who, with Ms. Knizhnik, wrote a 2015 book inspired by the Tumblr account, said that Justice Ginsburg became famous as a “symbol of dissent” as much as of feminism, and that the meme culture was not just about her, but about what she was calling attention to.

“And it’s always been important that the genesis was Shelby County,” she said. “As important as her women’s rights work was her broader commitment to equal justice and civil rights.”

Ms. Sow, now an author and host of the podcast “Call Your Girlfriend,” said that some criticisms of the tote-bag version of R.B.G. fandom were warranted. “It speaks to a real laziness in our culture to elevate people and think you’ve done the work,” she said.

But she pushed back against what she said were facile critiques of Justice Ginsburg’s legal work as “white lady” feminism.

“The reason so many young people get to be blasé or cool” by trashing Justice Ginsburg’s record as insufficiently radical, or overly tied to institutions and incremental change, she said, “is that she created this world where people are free to do that.”

“She seems like this older relic,” Ms. Sow, who is 35, continued. “But the point of being a trailblazer is she gets to age into a world where people my age don’t have to remember how hard it was. I mean, not too long before I was born, women couldn’t even get a credit card.”

Some legal scholars argue that Ginsburg’s work, particularly as a litigator, was more intersectional — a term the legal scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw coined in 1989 to describe the complex ways gender, race and other aspects of identity interact — than is commonly acknowledged.

Melissa Murray, a professor at New York University Law School who focuses on family law and reproductive justice, noted that Justice Ginsburg’s first brief filed to the Supreme Court, in the 1971 case Reed v. Reed, also credited as co-authors the African-American legal scholar Pauli Murray and the leftist feminist Dorothy Kenyon, who had pioneered the legal theories she drew on.

“She was always very explicit in her career about giving appropriate deference and respect to the role of Pauli Murray, who was not only an African-American jurist, and largely forgotten until recently, but also a queer woman,” Professor Murray said.

Justice Ginsburg’s cases as a lawyer, including a 1973 challenge to North Carolina’s forced sterilization program, often involved working-class or poor plaintiffs, including women of color. Professor Murray also noted a little-known amicus brief that Ginsburg co-wrote in a 1977 Supreme Court case challenging the constitutionality of a Georgia law allowing the death penalty for rape.

That brief, filed while she worked at the A.C.L.U., addressed the unequal application of the law in cases of Black men convicted of raping white women, criticizing it for reinforcing both patriarchal and racist ideas by treating white women as the property of white men and Black men as dangerous interlopers.

“It’s a real rebuke to people who argue her feminism did not take account of race,” Professor Murray said. “It very clearly did, in a profound way.”

Fatima Goss Graves, the president and chief executive of the National Women’s Law Center, also questioned any implication that Justice Ginsburg, either as a lawyer or a judge, had represented an elitist vision of equality.

In her dissents, Ms. Goss Graves said, Justice Ginsburg repeatedly chided the Court for failing to understand how discrimination worked in the real world. She noted what turned out to be Justice Ginsburg’s last dissent, issued in July, in a contraceptive case, which argued that the court’s ruling would leave many poor women unable to afford birth control.

“She was deeply unafraid to name the many problems with the decisions coming out of the majority, and to do it in a way that put the lives of regular people forward,” Ms. Goss Graves said.

The parsing of Justice Ginsburg’s full legal legacy will be a project of decades. But in the more immediate term, debates about her suitability as a rallying point and icon may have less to do with her than with the limited cultural space granted to “great” women, who have been as rare in our acknowledged public pantheon as on the Supreme Court.

“Individuals who come to bear representative weight are always going to embody contradiction and imperfection,” Rebecca Traister, a writer for New York magazine and the author of “Good and Mad: The Revolutionary Power of Women’s Anger,” said. “Those who become symbols can be so easily torn down.”



Re: in re/ "Latest 100 Messages"

Les Schaffer
 

just so its clear:

- the ORIGINAL Latest 100 is still at this link: 

      http://www.marxmail.org/maillist.html

- the groups.io version of the Latest  (=20, or whatever you set) is available here: 

     https://groups.io/g/marxmail/topics

Les

On 9/22/20 10:34 AM, ecosocialism@... wrote:
Thank you for letting me know that the "Latest 100" list is still available. I thought it was lost, but I have now changed my Bookmark. Much better!


Re: Faculty Members Joined a Day of Action to Protest Racial Inequality. Now 2 Are in Hot Water.

Jeffrey Masko
 

The majority of folks teaching higher ed are adjuncts, and they certainly are in no position to protest. I didn't even hear about it until day 2 and since I teach online, this doesn't even really apply since students are working on the lesson when they want to. What this ends up is that folks like me don't answer student emails for two days.

Sure I support this in every sense, but it points out how little tenured folks think about the rest of us who do the lion share of teaching for a 1/5 of the pay and how we are not included in these "actions".  I wrote about it in the "announcements" section I have in the class that the students must read, so they were at least aware this was happening.