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Global Warming Burps, Bubbles, Simmers and Sours On - CounterPunch.org
Louis Proyect
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'My friends were lied to': will coalminers stand by Trump as jobs disappear? | US news | The Guardian
Louis Proyect
Art Sullivan is considered something of a political heretic by other coalminers in south-western Pennsylvania, where a wave of support for Donald Trump based upon his flamboyant promises of a resurgence in coal helped propel the Republican to the US presidency. “Many of my coalminer friends voted for him,” said Sullivan, who has spent 54 years as a coalminer and, more latterly, consultant to a struggling industry. “They were deceived. Trump had no plan, no concept of how to resurrect the coal industry. My friends were lied to.” Sullivan’s friends may disagree with this assessment but the coal comeback promised by Trump in the 2016 election campaign has failed to materialize, with his first term studded with bankruptcies and closures of mines and coal-fired power plants. https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2020/sep/24/donald-trump-coal-miners-us-election
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#NotHimUS
#nothimus
Louis Proyect
Norman Solomon, long time shill for the Democratic Party, created a website meant to convince the left to back Biden. There's a sense of desperation that is almost palpable.
https://www.nothimus.org/
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Re: After praising Nordic "genes," Trump slams Jewish Americans and Muslim Americans
Patrick Bond
On 9/24/2020 1:39 PM, Louis Proyect
wrote:
https://www.juancole.com/2020/09/praising-americans-foreign.html But then - for reasons I cannot grasp - he ruins his column by paying respect to U.S. imperialism's most wicked recent military gaffes?:
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Trends in Income From 1975 to 2018 | RAND
Louis Proyect
From 1975 to 2018, the difference between the aggregate taxable income for those below the 90th percentile and the equitable growth counterfactual totals $47 trillion. We further explore trends in inequality by applying this metric within and across business cycles from 1975 to 2018 and also by demographic group.
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Patriot Coalition: Leaked Messages Show Far-Right Group's Plans for Portland Violence - bellingcat
Louis Proyect
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After praising Nordic "genes," Trump slams Jewish Americans and Muslim Americans
Louis Proyect
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Re: Joe Biden Torpedoes Bernie Sanders: 'I Beat the Socialist'
Dayne Goodwin,
I never knew Bernie in the 70s or 80s,but a few years ago,there was a web page,in an obscure corner of the internet,that had every speech Bernie gave as mayor,as well as a couple of from when he was running.I watched them all.The Bernie I saw in these grainy videos is very different from the Bernie we saw running for president.Bernie clearly sold his soul when he went to Congress.This may be what you have to do to get along in Washington.As someone who read both Counterpunch,and Black Agenda Report in the years leading up to 2016,I was never taken in by Bernie's shill game for the DNC.
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Re: Open Letter: Dump Trump, Then Battle Biden
Louis Proyect
On 9/23/20 11:49 PM, John Obrien wrote:
I doubt that O'Brien has the slightest clue about the role of the Social Democrats in the Weimar Republic that was just as culpable for the rise of Hitler. Too bad he interjects his crude insults into this discussion with so little knowledge behind it. Here's my take on the role of the German SP: https://louisproyect.org/2016/07/14/misusing-german-history-to-scare-up-votes-for-hillary-clinton/
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Re: » Open Letter: Dump Trump, Then Battle Biden
Dayne Goodwin
On Wed, Sep 23, 2020 at 6:34 PM Jim Brash via groups.io
<jimmy.brash=yahoo.com@groups.io> wrote: One of my mentors, the late Peter Camejo, used to say "The Republicans frankly assert what the capitalists want and the Democrats say 'vote for us we'll be 5% nicer.'" Persuading people to take an empirical "lesser evil" stance is intrinsic to the functioning of the capitalists' two party system. Those who think in those capitalist-system-accepting terms are unlikely to be able to change and pursue the interest of workers and oppressed peoples in socialist revolution (imo revolutionary strategy requires politically independent working class organization). I think that's why the same 'radical stars' in the capitalist firmament repetitively argue election after election that "this time" the priority is to defeat the Republican capitalists and therefore we must give our support to the Democrat capitalists. This kind of 'pragmatic' justification for class collaboration has dominated the U.S. left; look around at putrefying capitalism and you can see where this has gotten working people. Jim Obrien does not provide the evidence that Jim Brash asked for, Obrien has a two-prong strategy for defeating fascism: click your computer AND vote for Biden. Dayne On Wed, Sep 23, 2020 at 6:34 PM Jim Brash via groups.io <jimmy.brash=yahoo.com@groups.io> wrote:
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Open Letter: Dump Trump, Then Battle Biden
John Obrien
Dan,
Thank you for dealing with reality - it is also clear to me that the U. S. Left, is unorganized and incapable
of physical fighting the fascists. They are mostly comfortable academics and students - and the only
thing, is to urge people to vote for Biden in those Swing States.
Sure Biden is a Wall Street servant and militarist, but the isolated sectarians on this list are no different
than the liberals and reformists, offering nothing to do in the period ahead - NOTHING!
They sound like the Germany CP in the early 1930's, calling the social democrats: "social fascists" and
not uniting with them to stop the Nazis.
So the Trump fascists are mobilizing - and the so radically pure - are clicking their computer offering
NOTHING to proclaim they are "revolutionaries".
I never before in my entire life, supported a corporate democratic party presidential candidate in the
November presidential elections, since able to vote in 1972. But I can clearly see what the relations
of power are - and agree with your sane assessment of where things truly are.
Thank you for adding your name to those thinking. Ignore the badly isolated sectarians representing
NOTHING - in actual reality. They will just bravely sit before their computers to stop fascism!
The Trumpsters are more serious than these "revolutionary" computer keyboard clickers.
I suggest to those who claim to be "so revolutionary" to abstain from struggle -
that they might want to read: The Struggle Against Fascism in Germany by Leon Trotsky
when he addresses "the overestimation of ones own forces - as adventurism"
And Vladimir Lenin had some words about the same most "revolutionary" academics who sat in the
Paris cafes criticizing - far from struggle and reality.
- and they also surprise, did NOTHING!
Time is too short to bicker and criticize - yet do NOTHING.
Get off your comfortable consumerist couches and do something about reality.
Dan has - if you do not like his analysis about objective conditions - so where is
the left militias that you "revolutionary critics" are organizing instead, as an alternative?
Surely you are not going to suggest just voting for some third party candidate, is sufficient
to stop fascists?
From: marxmail@groups.io <marxmail@groups.io> on behalf of Dan La Botz <danlabotz@...>
Sent: Wednesday, September 23, 2020 7:55 PM To: Marxism List <marxmail@groups.io> Subject: Re: [marxmail] » Open Letter: Dump Trump, Then Battle Biden Thanks for your thoughtful remark, Jim.
These people appreciate it.
Dan
On Wed, Sep 23, 2020 at 10:29 PM Dayne Goodwin <daynegoodwin@...> wrote:
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Re: The New York Times and Nikole Hannah-Jones abandon key claims of the 1619 Project
fkalosar101@...
On Wed, Sep 23, 2020 at 11:53 AM, Andrew Stewart wrote:
Andrew Stewart's information re indenture and chattel slavery in the broader European picture seems terrifically apposite and worth studying in detail. With all due respect, however, this particular passage seems to reflect the historian's "easter-egg hunt," hermetic, or tin-eared approach to the interpretation of literary texts, which perhaps ill serves the main thrust of Stewart's post. Iago equates not only Othello but Desdemona herself with a farm animal--a white ewe. Indeed, by using this metaphor, Iago includes her father, Brabantio, himself in the category of farm animals, since only a ram can beget a ewe, although it may be that he is only meant to represent the man who owns the woman and the animals. In fact, Iago equates Iago's blackness with that of the Devil and that is what lends force to the comparison. Equations of the color black to the Devil occur elsewhere in Shakespeare. eg "the Devil damn thee black, thou cream-faced loon" in MacBeth. What is missing in Shakespeare's discourse is any developed conception of "white people"--in its fully developed racist ideological form, a product of the United States and one that cannot be understood in the absence of fully developed US black chattel slavery and its racist aftermath following the civil war. There is a play back and forth on Othello's color that has nothing immediately to do with the particular social pathology on display in Breitbart and currently vying for dictatorial power in the US. "Renaissance racism" is another topic, but what this passage actually conveys is an aspect of medieval christian iconography that no doubt eventually found its way into the iconography of the Ku Klux clan, but did so through a process of adaptation and repurposing. To see it full-fledged in this speech is like eg seeing the romano-hellenistic architectural motifs of Petra as proof that the Nabateans were greco-roman, which--except for certain aspects of their architecture--they were not. So, at most proto-racism. Any other conclusion from this passage is IMO circular reasoning that begs the question.
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Re: » Open Letter: Dump Trump, Then Battle Biden
Dan La Botz
Thanks for your thoughtful remark, Jim. These people appreciate it. Dan
On Wed, Sep 23, 2020 at 10:29 PM Dayne Goodwin <daynegoodwin@...> wrote:
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Re: » Open Letter: Dump Trump, Then Battle Biden
Dayne Goodwin
I wonder if these people realize that joining the Biden camp they'll be closing the door on independent politics. You sheepdog once you usually herd the sheep forever. They all keep saying that Biden can be pushed left. Where's the evidence? Joe Biden Torpedoes Bernie Sanders: 'I Beat the Socialist' https://groups.io/g/marxmail/message/1830
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Re: Trump plan to hi-jack election
David Walters
There is also a concise article on this in Forbes: https://www.forbes.com/sites/tommybeer/2020/09/23/report-trump-campaign-actively-discussing-radical-measures-to-bypass-election-results/
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Trump plan to hi-jack election
Dayne Goodwin
[There are also recent articles on this in Forbes and in The Atlantic which i don't have access to] The Legal Fight Awaiting Us After the Election The aftermath of November’s vote has the potential to make 2000 look like a mere skirmish. by Jeffrey Toobin, New Yorker, Sept. 28 issue https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2020/09/28/the-legal-fight-awaiting-us-after-the-election The Trump Campaign Is Reportedly Plotting an Election Coup to “Bypass” a Biden Win How Republican-controlled state legislatures could be used to circumvent the results of the election and ensure a Trump victory. by Eric Lutz, Vanity Fair, September 23 https://www.vanityfair.com/news/2020/09/trump-campaign-election-coup-bypass-biden-win see also my 9/15 marxmail messages: Roger Stone urges Trump to declare martial law if election stolen by Demshttps://groups.io/g/marxmail/message/1623
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H-Net Review [H-Maps]: Mingus on Wampuszyc, 'Mapping Warsaw: The Spatial Poetics of a Postwar City'
Andrew Stewart
---------- Forwarded message --------- From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW <h-review@...> Date: Wed, Sep 23, 2020 at 6:32 AM Subject: H-Net Review [H-Maps]: Mingus on Wampuszyc, 'Mapping Warsaw: The Spatial Poetics of a Postwar City' To: <h-review@...> Cc: H-Net Staff <revhelp@...> Ewa Wampuszyc. Mapping Warsaw: The Spatial Poetics of a Postwar City. Chicago Northwestern University Press, 2018. 240 pp. $34.95 (paper), ISBN 978-0-8101-3789-9. Reviewed by Matthew D. Mingus (University of New Mexico-Gallup) Published on H-Maps (September, 2020) Commissioned by Katherine Parker Mapping Warsaw: The Spatial Poetics of a Postwar City In recent months, the contentiousness of space--and the ideological narratives reflected in our spaces/places--has come to the forefront of our contemporary political discussions. In the wake of the murders of George Floyd and Jacob Blake, and the subsequent waves of Black Lives Matter demonstrations throughout the United States (and much of the world), serious and important questions have been raised about to whom society should build its monuments and after whom society should name its streets and buildings. These, of course, are not new questions. And while Ewa Wampuszyc's _Mapping Warsaw: The Spatial Poetics of a Postwar City_ could have never anticipated the political moment in which we currently find ourselves, her book's excellent treatment of Warsaw's spatial reconstruction after the Second World War can certainly remind of us that the "spatiality of place is ever-changing" (p. 173), as well as offer us a fantastic historical example of how ideology constantly informs the creation and evolution of a city's topography. After a brief prologue and theory-heavy introduction, Wampuszyc's _Mapping Warsaw_ is presented in four chapters. Each chapter deals with a particular medium through which the space and geography of Warsaw was presented and represented to its residents. Chapter 1 focuses on the portrayal of Warsaw in photobooks after the Second World War with special emphasis on the 1949 publication of _Warsaw, the Capital of Poland--_the first photobook published under Poland's communist government. Wampuszyc convincingly argues that Warsaw's postwar space was reimagined through the production of selective photo-imagery that emphasized communist activism and resistance during World War II, and then also used that historical legacy to promote an idealized communist future for the city. For decades after the war, photobooks of Warsaw, in both image and text, followed the same standard narrative: from Soviet liberation to the triumphant return of Varsovians to the reconstruction and rebuilding of Poland's capital city. This transition from bombed-out city to a thriving urban center, rejuvenated by the ideological power of communism, is maybe made most clear in Wampuszyc's treatment of newsreels, the subject of _Mapping Warsaw_'s second chapter. In it, she focuses primarily on the Polish Film Chronicle's (PKF) treatment of Warsaw's physical transformation during the first postwar decade. Informed by socialist realism, and clearly understanding their role as propagandists and ideologues, the filmmakers of the PKF worked to legitimize both Poland's communist leadership and Warsaw as Poland's communist capital. News reports featured important events and building projects in Warsaw (filmed to make it clear that that space--being _in Warsaw--_made the projects and events all the more important). The PKF's cinematography worked to often ignore images of postwar rubble, or use that rubble as a symbol of a past that had been overcome by Polish workers in tandem with the communist government. Only after the 1956 "thaw," when the Polish government became less interested in perpetuating direct propaganda, did the "carefully controlled language" of Varsovian newsreel narratives evolve out of its postwar "rhythmic predictability" and "socialist realist aesthetic" (p. 95). As with the rubble and building projects presented in newsreels featuring Warsaw, Wampuszyc argues that movies, too, built a kind of "spatial iconography" (p. 97) that helped map out a collective identity for postwar Varsovians. In her third chapter, the author highlights four Polish films that take Warsaw as their setting: _Treasure_ (1948), _Adventure in Mariensztat_ (1953), _A Matter to Settle _(1953), and _Irene, Go Home!_ (1955). All of these films took seriously the many challenges of rebuilding a Warsaw committed to communism (e.g., lack of adequate housing, women's equality, traditional vs. progressive values, etc.), but all four also couched the tension that arose from these challenges in humor. Moreover, Wampuszyc gives detailed explanations as to how each movie worked Warsaw's topography into its respective storyline, explicitly assisting in the creation of the city's socialist spatiality. The final--and, arguably, best--chapter of _Mapping Warsaw_ examines Warsaw's Palace of Culture as a palimpsest of competing narratives "superimposed on one another" (p. 139). From its origins as a glorified gift from Stalin to its later presentation (through the short film _Warsaw 1956_) as an out-of-touch juxtaposition to the everyday life of typical Varsovians, the Palace of Culture has come to represent many different ideas to many different Poles. This final chapter ends with a fascinating discussion of author and film director Tadeusz Konwicki's influential attempts to shift discourses centered on the Palace of Culture toward broader critiques of "communism, messianism, and ideology (in general)" (p. 169). Through the examples of his films _Ascension _(1967) and _Lava_ (1989), as well as his literary work _A Minor Apocalypse _(1979), Wampuszyc brilliantly exhibits how the meaning of a space--and the buildings meant to occupy and shape that space--can be coopted and redefined. While many images are incorporated into the text of _Mapping Warsaw--_including some very helpful original visual aids created by the data services librarian Lorin Bruckner--at times I could not help but wish for more, particularly when a photograph or painting was discussed in detail. I realize, of course, that the negotiations between an author and publisher regarding the use of and permissions related to imagery are fraught with many considerations. But the discussions of Aleksander Kobzdej's painting _Pass the Brick_ (p. 27) and the photospread from _Warsaw 1945-1970_ (p. 42) could have perhaps been more effective had those images been allowed to accompany the text. In her fterword, Wampuszyc acknowledges that, still today, Warsaw struggles with the "de-socialization of [its] landscape" (p. 171). As I alluded to at the beginning of this review, it was impossible for me to read this book without being constantly reminded of the current effort by antiracist and anti-imperialist activists to remove statues, flags, and other icons meant to glorify the American Confederacy, slave owners, and purveyors of genocide. _Mapping Warsaw_ makes clear the importance of spatial narratives in shaping collective identity and the enormous effort required, in Poland and elsewhere, to reclaim and reorient those narratives. In this sense, then, while Wampuszyc's work is a welcome contribution to the interdisciplinary "spatial turn," it also offers broadly applicable historical lessons for our current political moment. Citation: Matthew D. Mingus. Review of Wampuszyc, Ewa, _Mapping Warsaw: The Spatial Poetics of a Postwar City_. H-Maps, H-Net Reviews. September, 2020. URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=55378 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License. -- Best regards, Andrew Stewart
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Re: » Open Letter: Dump Trump, Then Battle Biden
I wonder if these people realize that joining the Biden camp they'll be closing the door on independent politics. You sheepdog once you usually herd the sheep forever. They all keep saying that Biden can be pushed left. Where's the evidence?
In peace, Jim
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FAIR takes down Jacobin herd immunity article and then takes down themselves
Louis Proyect
(Someone sent this to me before FAIR removed it.) A Quick Calculation on How Many Kids Jacobin Is Willing to Let DieJim Naureckas
Jacobin (9/19/20) platforms two epidemiologists who argue that "exposures [to coronavirus] in young, healthy people contribute to the herd immunity that will ultimately benefit all"—without spelling out the massive death toll such a policy implies. There is a lot that is fucked up in a Jacobin interview (9/19/20) with two Harvard epidemiologists, Katherine Yih and Martin Kulldorff, but I think the most fucked-up thing of all is Kulldorff’s claim that when it comes to Covid-19, “Children and young adults have minimal risk, and there is no scientific or public health rationale to close daycare centers, schools or colleges.” The CDC publishes demographic breakdowns on Covid-19 cases and deaths, so you can see what kind of risk children and young adults have. For children under 1 year of age, 10,876 are known to have contracted the disease and 20 have died. That’s a case fatality rate of 0.2%. For children ages 1–4, 2,083 are known to have come down with the disease and 14 have died. The case fatality rate is 0.7%. A total of 3,226 cases have been identified in children between 5 and 14 years old—which includes the ages of most elementary and middle school students—and 30 have died. This group’s case fatality rate is 0.9%. With people from 15–24—which would include most high school and college students—the case total is 20,786, and the death toll is 333. That gives a case fatality rate of 1.6%. By what standard is a 0.7% chance of a child dying from a disease considered “minimal risk”? Or 0.9%, or 1.6%? By comparison, the CDC reports a case fatality rate for measles of 0.2%. For whooping cough, it works out to 0.1%. Can you imagine an epidemiologist announcing that there’s a new strain of measles or whooping cough that we have no immunity to or vaccine for, but not to worry—these diseases have “minimal risk”? Yes, the Covid case counts only includes cases we know about. We don’t know how many cases we don’t know about. Is the idea that we should assume that there are many, many cases we don’t know about, and therefore we can guess that the risk of death is “minimal”? That’s junk science. There appears to be little or no natural immunity to the Covid coronavirus, and no vaccine appears likely until the end of this school year, if not later. So by bringing children together daily during a pandemic, you risk having the pathogen spread through most of the population. There are 61 million children under the age of 15 in the United States; 0.7% of that (to use the median fatality rate) is over 400,000 children. There are 43 million people between the ages of 15 and 24; 1.6% of them is almost 700,000. The number of deaths surely won’t be that high, even if you allowed the disease to spread among the population unchecked; we would certainly reach that coveted herd immunity status before 100% of the population is infected, and there are no doubt many cases in young people that don’t come to the attention of medical authorities. But how confident are you in your guesses that herd immunity can be reached relatively quickly, or that unknown cases far outnumber known cases? If you’re very confident, you can bring those numbers down, maybe into the thousands rather than hundreds of thousands. But you’re still talking about thousands of dead children. Jacobin should never have published this ghoulish crap.
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Henrietta Boggs, Southerner Who Spread Her Wings, Dies at 102
Louis Proyect
(The obit mentions a documentary about Henrietta Boggs titled "First Lady of the Revolution". I reviewed it in 2017: https://louisproyect.org/2017/01/01/seven-documentaries/. It's not only an interesting story about a remarkable woman but explains why Costa Rica is so different from other Central American countries, starting with lacking a military. You can rent the film for $4.99 here: https://vimeo.com/ondemand/firstladyoftherevolution.)
Henrietta Boggs, Southerner Who Spread Her Wings, Dies at 102Fleeing segregated Alabama, she found revolution in Costa Rica and married its future president. She then pushed him to grant women and minorities the right to vote. ![]() ![]() This obituary is part of a series about people who have died in the coronavirus pandemic. Read about others here. Henrietta Boggs, a young college student from Alabama, stared into a volcano in Costa Rica as she mulled over a marriage proposal from José Figueres Ferrer, a coffee farmer with electric blue eyes. He stood beside her while the wind whipped around them and smoke clouded the air. “Will marriage to you be like this volcano?” she asked. “Marriage to me will be much worse,” he answered. “But I can guarantee, you will never be bored.” That was all Ms. Boggs needed to hear to cast aside her cosseted Southern upbringing. The two married in 1941, and after a few years in exile and then a revolution, he would become president of a governing junta in Costa Rica. As first lady, she would help win the country’s female and minority citizens the right to vote. ADVERTISEMENT Ms. Boggs, whose life spanned more than a century and crossed multiple cultures, passions and avocations, was 102 when she died on Sept. 9 at her home in Montgomery, Ala. She had been born during the influenza pandemic of 1918, which killed 50 million people worldwide. She died in the current pandemic: The cause was the novel coronavirus, according to her daughter, Muni Figueres, a former Costa Rican ambassador to the United States. Where Ms. Boggs picked up the virus remains a mystery. “We have traced everyone who was with her, and they all tested negative,” Ms. Figueres said in a phone interview. Her mother’s activities on one recent day were unaccounted for. “But she had not been ill,” Ms. Figueres said, and she had not gone to the hospital. Over the course of her long life, Ms. Boggs — a woman with a sharp wit, an aristocratic bearing and a sense of adventure remarkable for her time and place — assumed celebrity status in Alabama. At every turn she challenged the segregated and patriarchal society in which she was raised. As a youth, she cut church on Sundays and sneaked off to the drugstore for Cokes and cigarettes. As a young woman traveling in Latin America, she wrote to her hometown newspaper, The Birmingham News, with detailed descriptions of the poverty and deprivation she witnessed. ADVERTISEMENT As an older divorcée living in a white neighborhood in Montgomery, Ms. Boggs rented out her guesthouse to Bryan Stevenson, a Black lawyer who was just starting his Equal Justice Initiative, a legal advocacy group, now 31 years old, that works to end mass incarceration; he later inspired Montgomery’s slavery museum and memorial to lynching victims, which opened in 2018. “You don’t let things happen,” Ms. Boggs was fond of saying. “You shape them.” Her romance with Mr. Figueres, which she described in her memoir, “Married to a Legend: My Life With Don Pepe” (1992), took place largely on the back of his Harley-Davidson motorcycle as they roared across Costa Rica’s volcanic terrain. Her parents were horrified that she wanted to marry him. “They thought the only worthwhile people were white, Protestant Southerners,” Ms. Boggs told the filmmaker Andrea Kalin, who made a documentary about her called “First Lady of the Revolution” (2016). ![]() Image
![]() The marriage catapulted Ms. Boggs, a prolific writer, into a drama she could never have scripted. After her husband was exiled from Costa Rica, they traveled in Latin America and Mexico as an ordinary couple researching coffee production by day while holding clandestine political meetings by night. At the same time, they were smuggling arms back to Costa Rica for its brewing revolution. “They had a keen intellectual synergy,” Ms. Kalin said in a telephone interview. “Henrietta was a force.” Mr. Figueres led the opposition forces during the country’s four-year civil war, and Ms. Boggs was often on the run with their two young children. One particularly harrowing passage had them escaping flying bullets as they made their way across the Cerro de la Muerte, the “Mountain of Death.” ADVERTISEMENT Mr. Figueres led the victorious ruling provisional junta for 18 months, from 1948 to 1949. With Ms. Boggs as his full intellectual partner, he established a democracy and enacted economic reforms modeled on those of Franklin D. Roosevelt during the Depression. Under pressure from his wife, he granted women and Afro-Costa Ricans the right to vote. “I remember repeatedly yapping at my husband, ‘How can we call ourselves a democracy if we don’t allow half the population to vote?’” she recalled. He gave in, she said, just to get her off his back. Image
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![]() But 10 years in, the marriage waned. “Increasingly I felt that I was being marginalized,” she said in the documentary, “and no matter what happened, nothing would absorb him as much as politics.” She divorced Mr. Figueres in 1951, moved with their children briefly to Birmingham, then relocated to New York City, where she worked for the Costa Rican Mission to the United Nations. Ms. Boggs was drawn back to Alabama temporarily in 1956 to support the Montgomery bus boycott, the Black-led protest against segregated seating. She was one of many volunteers who drove protesters to their jobs so that they could continue to avoid using the buses. The U.S. Supreme Court ultimately struck down segregated seating, an early victory for the civil rights movement. ADVERTISEMENT Ms. Boggs moved back to New York and spent time intermittently in Paris, where her daughter was studying. She then received a letter from an old friend from high school, Hugh C. MacGuire, a prominent surgeon in Montgomery. He suggested that she look him up when she came back to the states. In 1965 she did, and they married the same year. Dr. MacGuire was also a pilot, and when he needed a co-pilot, his wife took flying lessons and earned her license. She often said that there were two kinds of people in the world (making clear which group she belonged to) — those who are content where they are, and those who say, “Let’s go and see what’s on the other side of the hill.” Henrietta Longstreet Boggs was born on May 6, 1918, in Spartanburg, S.C., the oldest of five children. Her father, Ralph E. Boggs, was a civil engineer. Her mother, Mary Esther (Long) Boggs, was a homemaker. Her father thought his job prospects were better in Birmingham, then a booming steel town, and in 1923 he moved the family to Alabama and started a construction business. ![]() Image
![]() Henrietta attended Birmingham-Southern College and studied English. But she saw her world as narrow and intolerant, she said in the documentary, with a code of unwritten rules: “Do not question. Do not doubt. Close your mind. And believe what you’re supposed to believe. The Southern way of life was something sacred.” ADVERTISEMENT That restlessness led her to Costa Rica. An aunt and uncle had retired there and bought a coffee farm, and in 1940, after her junior year, Ms. Boggs left college to visit them. There she met Mr. Figueres, who was doing business with her uncle. Invited to lunch to discuss a coffee deal, by her account he fell for her at first sight. After his provisional presidency, Mr. Figueres was elected president twice more, in the 1950s and the ’70s. He died in 1990. In addition to her daughter, Ms. Boggs is survived by her sister, Lucy Boggs Dustheimer, as well as 10 grandchildren and 15 great-grandchildren. Her son, Jose Marti Figueres, died in 2019. She and Dr. MacGuire divorced in 1985. Still going strong in her late 70s, Ms. Boggs co-founded a magazine called Montgomery Living in 1996. Though she sold it (it is now called ALMetro360), she continued to write for it. Her last article is to be published posthumously. And she did volunteer work for numerous civic, nonprofit and charitable organizations. “She was committed to women’s rights, to combating racism and promoting social and humanitarian justice,” her daughter said. “To the end, she fought for all of those things.”
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