Date   

Re: How we bend the knee to our HR overlords

Louis Proyect
 

On 9/30/20 8:39 AM, wideangle wrote:
The great irony here, of course, is that in writing about the ideology of liberal capitalism, from the perspective of a Marxist-Leninist seeking to overthrow it, Althusser was foreseeing, dimly, the future failures of his own fellow ’68ers. They, the intellectual children of the French theorists, are now the wizened enforcers of the liberal capitalist order, wielding critical theory as the new establishment’s most powerful weapon. 
 

Interesting. A British Quillette. The Intellectual Dark Web spreads across the world like a virus.


Re: Racism is no illusion. "Racecraft" is.

wideangle <wideangle@...>
 

Perhaps they don't intend to read Kendi or DiAngelo, but it seems they defend their ideas uncritically.
 
I didn't read DiAngelo's book. I read Kendi's and the Fields's. The first reads like a catechism, the latter reads like a scientific study. It's a big difference.
 
 

 
Sent: Wednesday, September 30, 2020 at 8:35 AM
From: "Louis Proyect" <lnp3@...>
To: marxmail@groups.io
Subject: Re: [marxmail] Racism is no illusion. "Racecraft" is.
On 9/30/20 8:23 AM, wideangle wrote:
"Racecraft" is a great book. People interested in race issues should read this instead of the cult manuals produced by Kendi and DiAngelo.

I doubt that anybody on a Marxism mailing list ever had any intentions of reading Kendi and DiAngelo. The real debate is between a Marxism based on WEB Dubois, CLR James, Manning Marable and David Roediger and one based on Barbara Fields, Adolph Reed Jr., Cedric Johnson and Dustin Guastella. Provisionally, I have no opinions on "Racecraft", never having read it, but if it supports the notion that George Floyd's murder has nothing to do with being Black, I have my doubts.


How we bend the knee to our HR overlords

wideangle <wideangle@...>
 

The great irony here, of course, is that in writing about the ideology of liberal capitalism, from the perspective of a Marxist-Leninist seeking to overthrow it, Althusser was foreseeing, dimly, the future failures of his own fellow ’68ers. They, the intellectual children of the French theorists, are now the wizened enforcers of the liberal capitalist order, wielding critical theory as the new establishment’s most powerful weapon. 
 
https://unherd.com/2020/09/why-woke-is-the-ruling-ideology/


Re: Racism is no illusion. "Racecraft" is.

Louis Proyect
 

On 9/30/20 8:23 AM, wideangle wrote:
"Racecraft" is a great book. People interested in race issues should read this instead of the cult manuals produced by Kendi and DiAngelo.

I doubt that anybody on a Marxism mailing list ever had any intentions of reading Kendi and DiAngelo. The real debate is between a Marxism based on WEB Dubois, CLR James, Manning Marable and David Roediger and one based on Barbara Fields, Adolph Reed Jr., Cedric Johnson and Dustin Guastella. Provisionally, I have no opinions on "Racecraft", never having read it, but if it supports the notion that George Floyd's murder has nothing to do with being Black, I have my doubts.


Re: Buying Nazism | History Today

wideangle <wideangle@...>
 

I wonder to what degree Nazi ideology was vague, and to what degree it dovetailed with Social Democracy.
 
Much like today's Democrats.
 

 
 
Sent: Wednesday, September 30, 2020 at 8:11 AM
From: "Louis Proyect" <lnp3@...>
To: marxmail@groups.io
Subject: [marxmail] Buying Nazism | History Today


In the early years of Nazi rule, the vagueness of much Nazi ideology enabled many Germans to see in Nazism what they wanted to see.

https://www.historytoday.com/archive/review/buying-nazism


Re: Racism is no illusion. "Racecraft" is.

wideangle <wideangle@...>
 

"Racecraft" is a great book. People interested in race issues should read this instead of the cult manuals produced by Kendi and DiAngelo.

 
 
Sent: Tuesday, September 29, 2020 at 11:56 PM
From: "Biibi R" <becausetheworldisrou@...>
To: marxmail@groups.io
Subject: [marxmail] Racism is no illusion. "Racecraft" is.


An anti-colonialist turn in Marx?: Questions for Thierry Drapeau | Links International Journal of Socialist Renewal

Louis Proyect
 


Buying Nazism | History Today

Louis Proyect
 


In the early years of Nazi rule, the vagueness of much Nazi ideology enabled many Germans to see in Nazism what they wanted to see.

https://www.historytoday.com/archive/review/buying-nazism


Re: Racism is no illusion. "Racecraft" is.

Louis Proyect
 

On 9/29/20 11:56 PM, Biibi R wrote:


It's not a great idea to post links to controversial articles without presenting your own views, either defending or criticizing them. This article, which is straight-out Adolph Reed Jr. orthodoxy, says that George Floyd's skin color had nothing to do with him being murdered:

Consider the claim that “George Floyd Jr. died because of the color of his skin.” The claim treats skin color (which is often equated with “race” in the United States) as the explanation for his premature death as if skin color were itself the perpetrator. This framing makes it appear as if Floyd's "racial" characteristic (i.e. his skin color) caused Chauvin to commit his violent action, removing the agency and responsibility from the officer to the victim. Ultimately, it is the perpetrators of violent practices who benefit when race is conjured as an explanation.

Frankly, it matters little to me that this sort of nonsense is being presented to us by a subscriber. It matters more to me that Biibi (unusual name, no?) just drops into the list as if a leaflet from a helicopter. There is a disembodied quality to this intervention that leaves me more than a bit annoyed.




Re: Former Army prosecutor: Trump will ‘get laughed out of court’ if he tries to steal the election - Alternet.org

John Reimann
 

He may be right, but I think he's ignoring basic facts. He cites the Supreme Court rulings in which Trump lost. The most important one of these, and one of the most blatant ones, was the Trump administration's attempt to put a citizenship question on the census. "The Supreme Court smacked them down," emphatically says Glenn Kirtschner. There's just one problem: The vote was 5-4. That's why it's so important for Trump to get his new (in)justice in, which it's almost certain he will do. Even if he fails, there is no guarantee that Roberts will vote against Trump in this all-important issue. Don't forget, Roberts had been one of the lawyers who argued for Bush in the 2000 stolen election. But even if Roberts doesn't vote for Trump, and there remains only 8 (in)justices, what then? It would be a tie vote. Then what happens? Seems to me if there is no resolution through the court it would go to the House of Representatives. There, the majority of state delegations have Republican majorities, and since each state gets one vote, that means that unless the election changes that, they will vote for Trump.

The Democrats' hope is that enough of their supporters vote to overwhelm the cheating, fraud and voter suppression of Trump & Co. They see Trump & Co's. threats as simply a means of trying to discourage people from voting so they are countering by denying the reality of the threat and urging people to vote, vote, vote. They are mistaken (once again) on all counts. And anybody who thinks that the Supreme Court (in)justices will automatically vote on the legalities and the Constitution is either not paying attention or is trying to mislead people.

John Reimann

--
“Science and socialism go hand-in-hand.” Felicity Dowling
Check out:https:http://oaklandsocialist.com also on Facebook


Re: Babbling in ‘Tongues’ - CounterPunch.org

fkalosar101@...
 

All Christian practices are questionable. Glossolalia is no crazier than the ritual of Holy Communion, the docrtine of the Holy Trinity, the Catholic priesthood, or the Presbyterian doctring of TULIP. The whole religion is a perversion that should make any decent person cringe.  

No matter how much Trump disgraces himself, he will try to make himself dictator when he has succeeded in sabotaging the election.  He isn't capable of planning to any purpose, but the constitutional exploits have been identified and the hacks are in place.  He doesn't actually have to do much of anything. When he does become dictator, of course, somebody stronger will kill him and take over.  But barring a miracle, the end of liberal democracy in this shithole country is a done deal, and unless the Joint Chiefs decide to rebel in order to "restore the constitution" there isn't anything anyone can do about it.  

I suppose there's a possibility that Trump will "legitimately" win the White House while the Democrats take the House and Senate--it's possible that if he accepts the one result he'll have to accept the other.  But I don't find this consoling.

Mme. Rabbit-Bunghole, the filthy *, is inevitable, gibberish and all, and she will turn out to be even worse than people fear.

My own opinion is that the election will fail and be set aside.  What that will do to Congress is anybody's guess.

Quite honestly, I think socialists should give very serious consideration to immediate organization for armed self-defense or self-immolation, whichever comes first.  The revolution will need firing squads and prison camps as well as a real army and an air force, and a bunch of lefty "embattled farmers" won't be able to do much, but we are well past the point where talking to the right-wing filth or Joe Biden is going to accomplish anything. 

The more this goes on the more respect I have for that asshole Uwe Boll. I who am older than the hills and do not own nor ever have fired a shotgun even.


Racism is no illusion. "Racecraft" is.

Biibi R <becausetheworldisrou@...>
 


Behind the fight between online and in-person schooling

Joseph Green
 

From Detroit/Seattle Workers' Voice mailing list
September 29, 2020

Dissension over education: Trump’s dictates rejected as
parents and teachers deal with the COVID crisis
(brief excerpts--full article is at http://www.communistvoice.org/DSWV-200929.html)

by Pete Brown, Detroit Workers' Voice

    - New York City;  Los Angeles;  Chicago;  Houston
    - Other districts of interest:  Long Island; Salt Lake City; St. Louis; Phoenix;  Hawaii;  Anchorage, AK;   Detroit, MI
    - Worst states:  Iowa; Arkansas; Florida; Wisconsin;  Idaho; South Dakota
    - Conclusion
   
Trump’s authoritarian dictate to open up the schools for in-person learning has flopped. After looking at school districts in various parts of the country including right-wing areas and Red states, I found only schools in South Dakota opening completely in-person. I did find a widespread interest in supporting science and health and rejection of Trumpism. Even in South Dakota, teachers and parents are very active trying to get accurate reportage so they can argue for closing and quarantining a school as soon as any cases of COVID arise. Parental activity and local school districts’ rejection of Trump’s dictates show limits to Trump’s attempts at dictatorship.

On the other hand, it also shows that in various parts of the country some parents have launched vigorous demonstrations demanding in-person education. Some of these demonstrations (not all) have a considerable number of supporters who should not all be written off as Trumpists. There are legitimate reasons for preferring in-person education. And the transition to online learning will no doubt favor students in the richer districts. A comprehensive view, trying to deal with the COVID crisis, would address these concerns while also supporting demands for health and safety. Trump’s stupid demand to simply “Open up!” never took account of the planning and resources needed to open up safely, and Trump still stands in the way of providing these. Trump and his minion DeVos have been working to destroy public education, to defund and privatize it, and the COVID crisis has brought out the consequences of years of underfunding and resegregation.

Local school administrators must first of all take account of the COVID levels in their local area. These differ by locality and from one time to another. Right now COVID is increasing across the nation – 33 states are experiencing a rise in the number of new cases and a rise in positivity rates, which is above 5% in the majority of states. This article (see 1) notes that the U.S. is going backward right now, with an apocalyptic autumn looming because of schools reopening and especially colleges and universities, which have been hungrily trying to attract tuition-paying students and trying to ignore COVID-crisis warnings. The rapid rise in cases in university towns causes a rise throughout surrounding counties and their public school systems. Colder weather, the return of flu season and people staying indoors will accelerate the COVID threat. Recent studies as reported by NBC News on Sept. 26th show the number of daily deaths from COVID may quadruple by January. The virus is not going away anytime soon even if a vaccine becomes available in the next year or so, and everyone must prepare.

Following are some news reports about the larger school districts.

..............

CONCLUSION

A look at school districts around the country shows a lot of imagination by local parents and teachers as they try to deal with the COVID crisis. It also shows a lot of firm resilience by students as they work to continue their education. But it also brings out problems with the system that existed before the pandemic. Schools have suffered from underfunding and resegregation for decades. Teachers have fought against this and launched a national wave of strikes before the COVID crisis hit. But the difficulties of the crisis, and the roadblocks to proper planning by the Trump administration, have set back public school districts and increased previously existing inequities. Districts in black and brown localities have greater problems than more affluent white districts just as black and brown people suffer from higher rates of disease and death from COVID. Wealthier districts find ways to provide education to their students despite the problems, while poorer districts scramble for help, oftentimes against the Trumpist dictates of state governors and some local politicians. Much more planning and financial support is needed to make the transition to online learning successful. Districts need to stop hoping the virus will end suddenly this fall and plan for a difficult winter at least.

[1] Holly Yan and Madeline Holcombe, "US coronavirus: As doctors worry about an 'apocalyptic fall,' the CDC retracts Covid-19 info", *CNN*, September 21, 2020, https://www.msn.com/en-us/health/medical/despite-progress-since-july-most-states-are-going-backward-with-covid-19-as-doctors-worry-about-a-very-apocalyptic-fall/ar-BB19fvxJ?ocid=DE_20200921_ENUS_coronavirus_1.

Virus-free. www.avast.com


In the Breonna Taylor Case, a Battle of Blame Over the Grand Jury

Louis Proyect
 

NY Times, Sept. 29, 2020
In the Breonna Taylor Case, a Battle of Blame Over the Grand Jury
In theory, jurors have broad powers to investigate, subpoena witnesses and bring charges, legal experts said. But in practice, prosecutors control the process and are rarely challenged.
By Shaila Dewan, Will Wright and John Eligon

News conferences, protest chants, witness statements — so much has been said by so many about the shooting death of Breonna Taylor in Louisville, Ky., six months ago. Except, that is, by the dozen people who have weighed the evidence in the case behind closed doors and decided that only one officer should be indicted.

One of the members of the grand jury, whose proceedings are typically secret, is pushing to see that change.

The unnamed juror has argued that the proceedings should be made public and jurors be allowed to speak, pushing back against the Kentucky attorney general’s assertion that the grand jurors heard “all the evidence” before deciding not to indict the two police officers who shot Ms. Taylor in her apartment while executing a search warrant.

In a legal motion, he accused the attorney general, Daniel Cameron, of using the grand jurors “as a shield to deflect accountability and responsibility” and of planting “more seeds of doubt in the process.”

The battle of blame exposes a tension inherent in grand jury proceedings: In theory, jurors have broad powers to investigate, subpoena witnesses and bring charges. But in practice, prosecutors control the process and are rarely challenged.

Mr. Cameron said that he would release a recording of the grand jury case on Wednesday in response to a judge’s order, and that he had no objection to the juror sharing his thoughts on the prosecution’s presentation.

But the juror’s lawyer, Kevin M. Glogower, said on Tuesday that he had advised his client not to speak without formal permission from the court to avoid prosecution. Even then, he said, his client might remain anonymous to avoid public scrutiny.

Grand jury proceedings are kept secret in order to protect the reputations of those who are accused but not indicted, to shield witnesses from retaliation and to buffer the jurors themselves from criticism.

Releasing grand jury proceedings is exceedingly rare, though it did happen after a grand jury declined to indict Darren Wilson, the police officer who killed Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mo., in 2014. The prosecutor released thousands of pages of transcripts and evidence.

In a vast majority of cases, grand jurors return an indictment, said Roger A. Fairfax Jr., an expert at the George Washington University Law School, “except in cases where police officers are accused of taking the life of a Black or brown person.” He has argued that grand jurors should have an expanded role, giving input on issues such as plea bargains, sentencing recommendations and even what type of cases should be a priority.

In 2010, the most recent year for which data is available, federal grand juries declined to return an indictment in only 11 out of tens of thousands of cases. The state grand jury in the Taylor case charged one former officer with wanton endangerment.

Critics have cited a list of reasons that grand juries often decline to return indictments in high-profile police killings, including a bias in favor of law enforcement, special rules in some jurisdictions that allow officers to speak without being questioned, and the difficulty of getting officers to testify against one another. Some prosecutors may also feel political pressure to bring cases to a grand jury even if they are legally flawed or weak.

Only about half of states even require grand jury review in felony cases. In the rest, experts said, prosecutors may choose to use a grand jury because of its power to obtain evidence earlier in the process.

Prosecutors decide what evidence to present and advise grand jurors on points of law.

“What’s an indictment? What’s an affidavit? What’s hearsay? There are all these legal terms that first-year law students struggle with, so of course your general public is going to have some comprehension issues,” said Allison Connelly, a law professor at the University of Kentucky and the director of its legal clinic. “They’re going to trust the one person of authority in the room: the prosecutor.”

Mr. Cameron has insisted that grand jurors in the Taylor case were given “all of the evidence, presented all of the information.”

But in the motion, the grand juror argued that he should be able to discuss what evidence was not heard, which witnesses did not testify and potential charges that were not on the menu of options presented.

Louisville activists hailed the grand juror’s decision to come forward as “monumental” and said it bolstered their distrust of Mr. Cameron. Members of Ms. Taylor’s family have faulted him for not presenting “a comprehensive case that supported justice for Breonna.”

Sadiqa Reynolds, the chief executive of the Louisville Urban League, noted that Ms. Taylor’s boyfriend, who shot an officer the night the police raided her apartment, had been quickly indicted by a grand jury for attempted murder, while the investigation into the officers’ actions dragged on for months and grand jurors convened for two days before rendering a decision.

“What that attorney general did for the police officers is not the same thing that regular citizens get,” Ms. Reynolds said. The charges against the boyfriend, Kenneth Walker, were later dropped.

The grand juror who filed the motion this week is not the first to try to pierce the veil of secrecy. In Ferguson, a grand juror sued for the right to speak about the death of Mr. Brown, saying that the prosecutor, Robert P. McCulloch, had misrepresented the opinions of the jurors. But a judge ruled that the grand jury system depended on confidentiality and anonymity.

Legal experts emphasized that Mr. Cameron had no duty to present all the evidence, or recommend all possible charges, to the grand jury.

The rules of grand juries are far different from those governing petit juries — the ones that determine guilt or innocence. Prosecutors are not required to submit evidence that favors the suspect. Hearsay is admissible. Suspects cannot cross-examine witnesses and do not have the right to have legal representation present, even if they themselves testify.

To bring an indictment, grand jurors must find probable cause, a much lower standard than that used to determine guilt or innocence. Their decision need not be unanimous — in Kentucky nine of 12 members must vote to bring charges.

Grand juries need not limit themselves to what the prosecutor presents — but many jurors may not realize that. Much of what a grand jury understands about its duties and obligations comes from the prosecutor, said Leslie Abramson, a law professor at the University of Louisville. While grand juries are always told they can ask questions of witnesses, he said, it is possible they are not explicitly told that they have the power to call new witnesses.

Ms. Connelly, the law professor, said that based on the limited amount of time the grand jury deliberated in the Taylor case, it is likely the grand jurors did not fully understand their power to call witnesses or further the investigation.

“If you’re investigating malfeasance in political office, there’s going to be a monthslong grand jury investigation,” she said. “In this, you had a high-profile case that took, what, two days? So as far as their investigative function, I’m not sure they understood their power.”

Paul Butler, a professor at Georgetown University’s law school, sought to illustrate the discretionary power of prosecutors by making a video of the grand jury statement he would have given.

Instead of saying the two officers who shot Ms. Taylor were shielded by self-defense laws, as Mr. Cameron has said, Mr. Butler, a former prosecutor, listed second-degree manslaughter, reckless homicide and complicity as the warranted charges. “I don’t think that it’s an easy case and I think that self-defense would be an issue,” he said in an interview. “But I think it’s an issue that the jury should decide.”


Re: Juan Cole - Did Trump Throw Kurds under the bus for Turkey because of his Istanbul Revenue Stream?

Chris Slee
 

Trump's green light to the Turkish invasion of north-eastern Syria may well have been influenced by his personal financial interests in Turkey.  But he did have an arguable case that his policy was in the interests of US imperialism.

The US policy of cooperation with the Syrian Democratic Forces against ISIS had angered Erdogan, who wanted to invade north-eastern Syria and crush the Kurdish-led autonomous administration.  This had damaged relations between the US and Turkey.

Trump's policy would have restored the longstanding close cooperation between the two NATO allies.

Other sections of the US ruling class disagreed with Trump, for at least two reasons.

Firstly, the Turkish invasion would divert the SDF away from the campaign against ISIS, allowing the latter to recover from its defeats and go on the offensive again.

Secondly, the autonomous administration would be likely to turn to Russia for assistance in deterring the Turkish invasion.  This would weaken US influence and strengthen Russian influence in north-eastern Syria, and would weaken US prestige and strengthen Russian prestige more broadly.

The actual outcome was a compromise.  The US withdrew its troops from the Turkish border, enabling Turkey to invade and occupy a strip of land between Tal Abyad and Ras al-Ain.  However, some US troops remained in eastern Syria, where some oil fields are located.

Russia sent some troops to deter a further expansion of the Turkish-controlled area, but made no attempt to pressure Turkey to withdraw from the area it had already occupied.

The autonomous administration has been weakened, but still survives.  

Chris Slee


From: marxmail@groups.io <marxmail@groups.io> on behalf of Dennis Brasky <dmozart1756@...>
Sent: Wednesday, 30 September 2020 3:04 AM
To: marxmail@groups.io Group Moderators <marxmail@groups.io>
Subject: [marxmail] Juan Cole - Did Trump Throw Kurds under the bus for Turkey because of his Istanbul Revenue Stream?
 


Re: "Opponents of US imperialism exposed"

Louis Proyect
 

On 9/29/20 8:49 PM, John Reimann wrote:

(Note: I tried to post this link on a Facebook group "Leftist Trainspotters".That posting was rejected without any explanation.
"Leftist Trainspotters" is strictly for gossipers. They frown on political debate. If you want to know about some obscure sect's amoeba like split, it's the perfect forum. I hardly pay any attention to it myself even though I'm a member.


"Opponents of US imperialism exposed"

John Reimann
 

"When a new “Progressive International” invited Syria’s Yassin al-Haj Saleh to join, he was happy to accept. When he then submitted this letter for their publication, they ceased contacting him without explanation.

[Editor’s note: In April, the Syrian writer and Al-Jumhuriya co-founder Yassin al-Haj Saleh was invited to join the advisory council of the Progressive International, a new movement seeking to “unite, organize, and mobilize progressive forces” around the world, involving well-known figures such as Noam Chomsky, Arundhati Roy, and Yanis Varoufakis. The below letter was to be al-Haj Saleh’s inaugural contribution to the movement’s media arm, Wire; envisaged as a platform “for the world’s progressive forces, translating and disseminating critical perspectives and stories from the grassroots around the world.” The letter, however, was never published by Wire, which ceased correspondence with al-Haj Saleh without explanation. It is published here by Al-Jumhuriya, with minor edits, for the first time.]"

The above plus full letter contained in this article: https://www.aljumhuriya.net/en/content/letter-progressive-international

This really exposes those who claim that they give Assad a pass because all we have to do is "oppose our own imperialism". After all, this is supposed to be an international, meaning that there is no "our own" imperialism! These so-called "opponents" of US imperialism are really supporters of Assad and of Russian imperialism!

(Note: I tried to post this link on a Facebook group "Leftist Trainspotters".That posting was rejected without any explanation. I'm told that it was rejected because I try to post material with which I agree. Well, duh! Could it have anything to do with the fact that almost all the admins. are the same sort of Assad supporters and this article really exposes their politics? you think?

John Reimann

--
“Science and socialism go hand-in-hand.” Felicity Dowling
Check out:https:http://oaklandsocialist.com also on Facebook


Mexico and the Gods of Corruption

Louis Proyect
 

NY Times Op-Ed, Sept. 29, 2020
Mexico and the Gods of Corruption
President Andrés Manuel López Obrador has a chance to fight corruption at the top. But he needs to uphold the law on all sides to be effective.
By Ioan Grillo

MEXICO CITY — I’ve spent two decades trying to make sense of the economics of Mexico’s drug trafficking. During that time I have often heard a phrase muttered by gangsters and crime journalists: “Who needs the angels, when you have God.” If cartels pay off the top levels of government, or the gods, then the lower levels, like the police officers, are already taken care of. Money rises up like gas, and power flows down like water.

When Andrés Manuel López Obrador won the presidency in 2018 on a platform of ridding Mexico of corruption, he duly recognized that change had to start at the top. “We are going to clean up the government like a staircase,” he famously said, meaning from the top down. He said that Mexico would no longer suffer at the hands of corrupt leaders, whom he called, “a mafia of power.”

Corruption tears at the soul of Mexico, and many here see it as one of the country’s leading problems. It’s the reason killer cartels flourish, roads have potholes, and doctors treating Covid-19 don’t have better protective gear.

It also pervades everyday life, with bribes functioning as the grease that keeps the system moving, and in this way it makes a large part of the country complicit. Bureaucrats get cash tips for issuing birth certificates, for example, and the police pocket cash for turning a blind eye to motorists running red lights. The “angels” at the bottom take bribes, too.

But when the “gods” at the top are rotten it has the most devastating consequences. The former governor of Veracruz, Javier Duarte, was accused of skimming billions of dollars from state coffers when he was in office between 2010 and 2016, and later convicted on various charges. During his term, poverty increased and 17 journalists were murdered. After he left office, the biggest mass grave in Mexico’s recent history was discovered.

While former governors and generals have been jailed, corruption charges have never been filed against those at the very top: the presidents. That could now change.

On Sept. 15, the eve of Mexico’s independence day, Mr. López Obrador delivered a document to the Senate calling for a referendum on whether to indict former presidents if there is evidence of crimes that did grave harm during their administrations. It was backed by what activists claimed were 2.5 million signatures written on piles of paper that were hauled into the building in boxes, an image shared in enthusiastic tweets by the president’s supporters.

Critics retorted that you shouldn’t need a referendum on whether justice is served, and that it is a distraction from high pandemic deaths and a double-digit recession. And as the vote could coincide with midterm elections in 2021, it might be a tool to get voters to the polls in support of the president’s National Regeneration Movement party, or Morena. The thinking there is that people will be more motivated to cast a ballot in a historic plebiscite than just a regular midterm.

I think a referendum could give citizen support to what may become very politically divisive cases. And going after the gods of corruption is certainly a good thing, forcing Mexico to catch up with an anti-graft drive across Latin America. In the last half-decade, former presidents have been convicted of crimes involving corruption in Honduras, El Salvador and Brazil, and charged with similar crimes in Guatemala, Peru, Argentina, Panama and Bolivia. Justice could help deter future leaders from succumbing to temptation, while acting as a catalyst in cleaning up the system, and pushing Mexico to finally live up to its great potential.

Yet there is the danger, as in other Latin American countries, that politicians could wield the anticorruption club against their enemies — giving yet another weapon to the powerful. Cases need to be open and fair, which is especially challenging in a divisive partisan environment. And the president’s own allies in Morena need to face the same scrutiny. Otherwise, there is a danger of replacing one “mafia of power” with another.

There are various accusations against Mexico’s former presidents. The biggest case centers on Emilio Lozoya, the former head of the state oil company Pemex. Recently extradited from Spain on bribery charges, Mr. Lozoya filed a deposition last month claiming that former leaders were involved in taking handouts from Pemex and other companies for awarding them lucrative contracts.

His harshest accusation was against former President Enrique Peña Nieto, alleging that he “created a scheme of corruption in the federal government” during his term between 2012 to 2018. Mr. Lozoya also said that former President Felipe Calderón had knowledge of bribes when he was president between 2006 and 2012. Mr. Peña Nieto has not commented publicly on the deposition but he previously denied any misconduct.

In a separate case, Mr. Calderón’s former public security secretary, a key figure in his war on drug cartels, has himself been imprisoned in the United States on drug-trafficking charges filed there. Mr. Calderón has denied wrongdoing and said in a tweet that Mr. Lozoya’s accusations are “an instrument of vengeance and political persecution.”

The challenge with fighting corruption, however, is that it can affect all sides. When Mr. Lozoya dominated the news, videos emerged of Mr. López Obrador’s brother receiving paper bags of cash back in 2015. The president said he thought that the money was Morena campaign contributions to candidates in local elections but he also said that electoral officials should investigate. “If a family member commits a crime, they should be judged, whether it’s my son, my wife, my brothers or whoever,” he said.

With accusations seeming to touch all of the country’s politicians, it’s easy to lose hope that things will change. In his 1984 book “Distant Neighbors,” Alan Riding, a former New York Times bureau chief here, described corruption as the “oil and glue” that keep the machine in motion.

However, I find hope in the wave of civil society groups that have grown in recent years, including Mexicans Against Corruption, which was formed by journalists, academics and others in 2015. They are, among other things, working to expose cases of graft, which can lead to government investigations.

With more eyes on them, Mexican officials are unable to get away with such flagrant abuses, the group’s communications director, Darío Ramírez, told me. “It’s about how we can have a change so corruption is not part of our culture,” he said. “I am optimistic because I believe in the evolution of societies.”

Mr. Ramírez said he thought improvements have occurred under President López Obrador, who has cut the budgets of various agencies to limit waste and embezzlement. But in the long term, he said, it would be best to create more independent prosecutors; Mexico’s federal attorney general is currently proposed by the president and ratified by the Senate. Another potent action would be to expand the online posting of all government spending and contracts, which would be intended to make it harder to conceal bribes and other fraudulent activity.

“There are more and more tools, above all from civil society and journalism, to create the public pressure necessary to change the system,” Mr. Ramírez said. “So corruption stops being the oil of all the social, political and economic relations in Mexico.”

These tools need to be used against the ruling party as well as former leaders. Mr. López Obrador has an opportunity to clean house. But unless he is thorough, the effort could be in vain.

Ioan Grillo, a contributing opinion writer, is the author of “El Narco: Inside Mexico’s Criminal Insurgency” and, most recently, “Gangster Warlords: Drug Dollars, Killing Fields, and the New Politics of Latin America.”


Re: The Mass Psychology of Misery

Greg McDonald
 


Re: How America Taught the World to Write Small

Louis Proyect
 

MFA vs. NYC

This may seem paradoxical, or backward: the writing program, after all, has long existed as an object of self-study for the people who actually attend such things, or teach in them, usually in the form of satire — David Foster Wallace’s Westward the Course of Empire Takes Its Way, Francine Prose’s Blue Angel, that movie with the Belle & Sebastian soundtrack, and on and on. But (to borrow one of McGurl’s many ideas) the program writer, even if he’s been both student and professor, always wants to assume, and is to some extent granted, outsider status by the university; he’s always lobbing his flaming bags of prose over the ivied gate late at night. Then in the morning he puts on a tie and walks through the gate and goes to his office. In the university, the fiction writer nevertheless managed not to think of himself as of the university.

McGurl interrupts this unself-consciousness by filing a full and official report from across the hallway: from the English Department proper, forcing the aspiring novelist to look across that hallway and notice a bunch of graduate students and professors sitting there, in identical offices, wielding identical red pens. You’re like me now! is one of the cheerful subtexts of The Program Era — a literary critic’s pointing-out that the creative writer is just as institutionally entangled as the critic has long been acknowledged to be. Or, more charitably put (for McGurl is perpetually charitable), that the fiction writer, at last, can cease fretting about how free and wild he is and get to work.


BUT WHAT KIND OF WORK? One good outcome of McGurl’s analysis would be to lay to rest the perpetual handwringing about what MFA programs do to writers (e.g., turn them into cringing, cautious, post-Carverite automatons). Because of the universitization of American fiction that McGurl describes, it’s virtually impossible to read a particular book and deduce whether the writer attended a program. For one thing, she almost certainly did. For another, the workshop as a form has bled downward into the colleges, so that a writer could easily have taken a lifetime’s worth of workshops as an undergraduate, à la Jonathan Safran Foer. And even if the writer has somehow never heard of an MFA program, or set foot on a college campus, it doesn’t matter, because if she’s read any American fiction of the past sixty years, or met someone who did, she’s imbibed the general idea and aesthetic. We are all MFAs now.

On the flip side (as McGurl can’t quite know, because he attended “real” grad school), MFA programs themselves are so lax and laissez-faire as to have a shockingly small impact on students’ work — especially shocking if you’re the student, and paying $80,000 for the privilege. Staffed by writer-professors preoccupied with their own work or their failure to produce any; freed from pedagogical urgency by the tenuousness of the link between fiction writing and employment; and populated by ever younger, often immediately postcollegiate students, MFA programs today serve less as hotbeds of fierce stylistic inculcation, or finishing schools for almost-ready writers (in the way of, say, Iowa in the ’70s), and more as an ingenious partial solution to an eminent American problem: how to extend our already protracted adolescence past 22 and toward 30, in order to cope with an oversupplied labor market.

Two years spent in an MFA program, in other words, constitute a tiny and often ineffectual part of the American writer’s lifelong engagement with the university. And yet critics continue to bemoan the mechanizing effects of the programs, and to draw links between a writer’s degree-holding status and her degree of aesthetic freedom. Get out of the schools and live! they urge, forgetting on the one hand how much of contemporary life is lived in the shadow of the university, even if beyond its walls; and on the other hand how much free living an adult can do while attending two classes per week. It’s time to do away with this distinction between the MFAs and the non-MFAs, the unfree and the free, the caged and the wild. Once we do, perhaps we can venture a new, less normative distinction, based not on the writer’s educational background but on the system within which she earns (or aspires to earn) her living: MFA or NYC.


THERE WERE 79 degree-granting programs in creative writing in 1975; today there are 854! This explosion has created a huge source of financial support for working writers, not just in the form of lecture fees, adjunctships, and temporary appointments — though these abound — but honest-to-goodness jobs: decently paid, relatively secure compared to other industries, and often even tenured. It would be fascinating to know the numbers — what percentage of the total income of American fiction writers comes from the university, and what percentage from publishing contracts — but it’s safe to say that the university now rivals, if it hasn’t surpassed, New York as the economic center of the literary fiction world. This situation — of two complementary economic systems of roughly matched strength — is a new one for American fiction. As the mass readership of literary fiction has peaked and subsided (it’s always bracing to pick up an old Cheever or Updike paperback and see the book trumpeted as a #1 best-seller), and the march of technology sends the New York publishing world into spasms of perpetual anxiety, if not its much-advertised death throes, the MFA program has picked up the financial slack and then some, offering steady payment to more fiction writers than, perhaps, have ever been paid before.

Everyone knows this. But what’s remarked rarely if at all is the way that this balance has created, in effect, two literary cultures (or, more precisely, two literary fiction cultures) in the US: one condensed in New York, the other spread across the diffuse network of provincial college towns that spans from Irvine to Austin to Ann Arbor to Tallahassee (with a kind of wormhole at the center, in Iowa City, into which one can step and reappear at the New Yorker offices on 42nd Street). The superficial differences between these two cultures can be summed up charticle-style: short stories vs. novels; Amy Hempel vs. Jonathan Franzen; library copies vs. galley copies; Poets & Writers vs. the Observer; Wonder Boys vs. The Devil Wears Prada; the Association of Writers and Writing Programs (AWP) conference vs. the Frankfurt Book Fair; departmental parties vs. publishing parties; literary readings vs. publishing parties; staying home vs. publishing parties. But the differences also run deep. Each culture has its own canonical works and heroic figures; each has its own logic of social and professional advancement. Each affords its members certain aesthetic and personal freedoms while restricting others; each exerts its own subtle but powerful pressures on the work being produced.

Of course the two cultures overlap in any number of obvious ways, some of them significant. The NYC writer most likely earned an MFA; the MFA writer, meanwhile, may well publish her books at a New York house. There are even MFA programs in New York, lots of them, though these generally partake of the NYC culture. And many writers move back and forth between the MFA and NYC worlds, whether over the course of a career, or within a single year. A writer like Deborah Eisenberg, who spends half the year in New York and half at the University of Virginia; whose early stories were published to acclaim in the New Yorker but who subsequently became known (or unknown) as a “writer’s writer” — that is, a workshop leader’s writer; whose fiction, oddly, never appears anymore in New York–based magazines, but who writes frequently for NYRB, and publishes new books to raves from a variety of New York organs, shows in how many ways a writer can slip between these two cultures before winding up perfectly poised between them. And yet what’s so striking is how distinct the cultures do in fact feel, and how distinctly they at least pretend to function. On the level of individual experience, each can feel hermetic, and the traveler from one to the other finds herself in an alien land. The fact that it’s possible to travel without a passport, or to be granted dual citizenship, makes them no less distinct.


THE MODEL FOR THE MFA fiction writer is her program counterpart, the poet. Poets have long been professionally bound to academia; decades before the blanketing of the country with MFA programs requiring professors, the poets took to the grad schools, earning PhDs in English and other literary disciplines to finance their real vocation. Thus came of age the concept of the poet-teacher. The poet earns money as a teacher; and, at a higher level of professional accomplishment, from grants and prizes; and, at an even higher level, from appearance fees at other colleges. She does not, as a rule, earn money by publishing books of poems — it has become almost inconceivable that anyone outside of a university library will read them. The consequences of this economic arrangement for the quality of American poetry have been often bemoaned (poems are insular, arcane, gratuitously allusive, et cetera), if poorly understood. Of more interest here is the economic arrangement proper, and the ways in which it has become that of a large number of fiction writers as well.

As the fiction writer-teacher becomes the norm, the fiction MFA also becomes an odd hybrid. On the one hand, MFA programs are still studio-based: luxuries of time during which both serious and dilettantish people can develop their artistic skills outside the demands of the market. In this way the programs aspire to a kind of immanent (and convenient) ideal; it doesn’t matter whether the student publishes now or in ten years or never, whether her degree ever earns her a penny, as long as she serves her muse. On the other hand, as available teaching jobs multiply, MFA programs become increasingly preprofessional. They provide, after all, a terminal degree in a burgeoning field. And (the ambitious student rightly asks) why not enter that field straightaway? After all, there are actual jobs available for MFA holders, while the other humanities stagnate, and overall unemployment hovers around 10 percent.

Thus the fiction writer’s MFA increasingly resembles the poet’s old PhD; not in the rigors of the degree itself — getting an MFA is so easy — but in the way it immerses the writer in a professional academic network. She lives in a college town, and when she turns her gaze forward and outward, toward the future and the literary world at large, she sees not, primarily, the New York cluster of editors and agents and publishers, but rather a matrix of hundreds of colleges with MFA programs, potential employers all, linked together by Poets & Writers, AWP, and summertime workshops at picturesque makeout camps like Sewanee and Bread Loaf. More links, more connections, are provided by the attractive, unread, university-funded literary quarterlies that are swapped between these places, and by the endowments and discretionary funds that deliver an established writer-teacher from her home program to a different one, for a well-paid night or week, with everybody’s drinks expensed: this system of circulating patronage may have some pedagogical value, but exists chiefly to supplement the income of the writer-teacher, and, perhaps more important, to impress upon the students the more glamorous side of becoming — of aspiring to become — a writer-teacher.

For the MFA writer, then, publishing a book becomes not a primary way to earn money, or even a direct attempt to make money. The book instead serves as a credential. Just as the critic publishes her dissertation in order to secure a job on an ever tightening market, the fiction writer publishes her book of stories, or her novel, to cap off her MFA. There is an element of liberation in this, however complex; the MFA writer is no longer at the whim of the market — or rather, has entered a less whimsical, more tolerant market. The New York publishing houses become ever more fearful and defensive, battened down against the encroachments of other “media” old and new and merely imagined — but the MFA writer doesn’t have to deal with those big houses. And if she does get published by one, she doesn’t need a six-figure advance. On the whole, independent and university presses (as for the poet and the critic) will do just fine. The MFA writer is also exempt from publicity, to a large extent — she still checks her Amazon ranking obsessively, as everyone does, but she can do so with a dollop of humor, and not as an inquiry into professional survival. Instead she enters into the professor’s publish-or-perish bargain (which should probably be called teach-or-perish), in which the writing of future books, no matter how they sell, results in professional advancement and increasing security. Is this not artistic freedom, of a quiet and congenial sort? Could not books be written here in the university, all sorts of different books, that could never be written from within the narrow confines of the New York publishing world?

Yes, but. The MFA writer escapes certain pressures, only to submit to others. Early in her career, for instance, she is all in a rush to publish — first to place stories in the quarterlies, and then to get some version of her MFA thesis into print, by hook or by crook, in order to be eligible for jobs. While the NYC writer might be willing to toil obscurely for a decade or more, nourishing herself with the thought of a big psychic and financial payoff that might never come, the MFA writer is not. She has no actual physical New York to cling to, no parties to attend; if her degree is finished but her book is not, she’s purely a castout from the world in which she wishes to move. This can encourage the publication of slight and sometimes premature books, books that might give readers, and the writer herself, the wrong idea of what she can do.

Then, later in the career, comes the more obvious pressure not to publish at all — she has, after all, become a professor, and a professor gets paid to profess. One escapes the shackles of the corporate publishing apparatus only by accepting those of the departmental administration, and of one’s students [see “Money,” n+1 Issue Four], at which point the tradeoff can come to seem like a bait and switch — although as the MFA system matures, its aspirants no doubt become more clear-eyed about what awaits them.

The MFA system also nudges the writer toward the writing of short stories; of all the ambient commonplaces about MFA programs, perhaps the only accurate one is that the programs are organized around the story form. This begins in workshops, both MFA and undergraduate, where the minute, scrupulous attentions of one’s instructor and peers are best suited to the consideration of short pieces, which can be marked up, cut down, rewritten and reorganized, and brought back for further review. The short story, like the ten-page college term paper, or the twenty-five-page graduate paper, has become a primary pedagogical genre-form.

It’s not just that MFA students are encouraged to write stories in workshop, though this is true; it’s that the entire culture is steeped in the form. To learn how to write short stories, you also have to read them. MFA professors — many of them story writers themselves — recommend story collections to their students. MFA students recommend other collections to one another; they also, significantly, teach undergraduate creative writing courses, which are built almost exclusively around short works. In classes that need to divide their attention between the skill of reading and the craft of writing (and whose popularity rests partly on their lack of rigor), there’s no time for ploughing through novels. Also, scores of colleges now have associated literary journals, which tend overwhelmingly to focus on the short story; by publishing in as many of these as possible, a young writer begins building the reputation that will eventually secure her a job as a teacher-writer, and an older writer sustains her CV by the same means.

Thus the names that reverberate through the MFA system, from the freshman creative writing course up through the tenured faculty, tend to be those of story writers. At first glance, this may seem like a kind of collective suicide, because everyone knows that no one reads short stories. And it’s true that the story, once such a reliable source of income for writers, has fallen out of mass favor, perhaps for reasons opposite to that of the poem: if in the public imagination poetry reeks suspiciously of high academia — the dry, impacted arcana of specialists addressing specialists — then the short story may have become subtly and pejoratively associated with low academia — the workaday drudgery of classroom exercises and assignments. The poet sublimates into the thin air of the overeducated PhD; the story writer melts down into the slush of the composition department. Neither hits the cultural mark. A writer’s early short stories (as any New York editor will tell you) lead to a novel, or they lead nowhere at all.

But there’s a dialectical reversal to be found here, in which the story/novel debate reveals itself to be just one aspect of the MFA/NYC cultural divide, and in which the story might even be winning. One of the clearest signs of that divide is the way that different groups of writers are read, valued, and discussed in the two different “places” — one could, for instance, live a long full life in New York without ever hearing of Stuart Dybek, a canonical MFA-culture story writer who oversaw the Western Michigan program for decades before moving on to Northwestern. A new Gary Shteyngart novel, meanwhile, will be met with indifference at most MFA programs. Entire such NYC and MFA rosters could be named. In effect, parallel and competing canons of contemporary literature have formed — and when it comes to canon formation, New York, and therefore the novel, may be at a disadvantage.

New York can’t be excelled at two things: superstardom and forgetfulness. And so the New York “canon,” at any given moment, tends to consist of a few perennial superstars — Roth, DeLillo, Pynchon, Auster — whose reputations, paradoxically, are secure at least until they die, and beneath whom circulate an ever changing group of acclaimed young novelists — Joshua Ferris, Nicole Krauss, Rivka Galchen, Jonathan Safran Foer — and a host of midcareer writers whose names are magnified when they put out a book and shrink in between. Except at the very top, reputation in this world depends directly on the market and the publishing cycle, the reviews and the prizes, and so all except those at the very top have little reason to hope for a durable readership. The contemporary New York canon tends to be more contemporary than canon — it consists of popular new novels, and previous books by the authors of same.

The MFA canon works differently. The rapid expansion of MFA programs in recent decades has opened up large institutional spaces above and below: above, for writer-professors who teach MFA students; below, for undergraduate students who are taught by MFAs (and by former MFAs hired as adjuncts). All told, program fiction amounts to a new discipline, with a new curriculum. This new curriculum consists mainly of short stories, and the short fiction anthologies commonly used in introductory courses become the primary mechanism by which the MFA canon is assembled and disseminated.

A quick glance at some of the most popular anthologies shows the rough contours of the program canon. The Vintage Book of Contemporary American Short Stories (1994), edited by Tobias Wolff, honors the dirty realists and their successors, with a dedication to Raymond Carver, an introduction that begins, in classic dirty-realist fashion, “A few years ago I met a wheat farmer from North Dakota . . . ,” and stories by Carver, Ann Beattie (University of Virginia), Richard Bausch (Memphis), Richard Ford (Trinity College, Dublin), Tim O’Brien (Texas State–San Marcos), and Jayne Anne Phillips (Rutgers), as well as Dybek (Northwestern), Joy Williams (Wyoming), Robert Stone (Yale), Mary Gaitskill (until recently, Syracuse), Barry Hannah (Mississippi, before his death), Ron Hansen (Santa Clara), Jamaica Kincaid (Claremont McKenna), Edward P. Jones (George Washington), Joyce Carol Oates (Princeton), Mona Simpson (Bard), Denis Johnson (currently unaffiliated), and Wolff’s Stanford colleague John L’Heureux. The Scribner Anthology of Contemporary Short Fiction (2007) retains a dozen of Wolff’s picks, and adds a new generation of post-dirty, ethnically diverse writers: Amy Bloom (Wesleyan), Peter Ho Davies (Michigan), Junot Díaz (MIT), et alia. Ben Marcus’s Anchor Book of New American Short Stories (2004) rounds out the picture, overlapping with Scribner but not Vintage, adding still younger writers, and emphasizing recent contributions to the anti-dirty, explicitly stylized or stylish tradition, for instance Aimee Bender (USC), Gary Lutz (Pitt-Greenberg), and Mary Caponegro (Bard).

Via these anthologies — and via word of mouth and personal appearance — a large and somewhat stable body of writers is read by a large number of MFAs and an even larger number of undergrads, semester in and semester out. Thus the oft-scorned short story may secure a more durable readership than the vaunted novel. While Denis Johnson won a National Book Award in 2007 for his novel Tree of Smoke, and Junot Díaz a Pulitzer in 2008 for his novel The Brief Wondrous Life of Oscar Wao, these writers’ reputations and readerships may rely more heavily on their single, slim volumes of stories, Jesus’ Son and Drown, both of which are reliably anthologized and have entered the consciousness of a whole generation of college students.

One could even suggest that, in the absence of a contemporary American canon produced by the critics in the English department (that one consists only of Toni Morrison), the writers in the MFA program have gone ahead and built their own — as well as the institutional means to disseminate, perpetuate, and replenish it. This canon centers on short works, and distinguishes itself from the New York canon in other ways. While it still avails one to be a white guy in NYC, at least at the top of the market where Franzen, DeLillo, and Roth reside (and where the preferred ethnic other remains the Jewish male), the MFA canon has a less masculine tone, and a more overt interest in cultural pluralism. And while the New York list updates itself with each new copy of the Times Book Review, the MFA canon dates back, with pointed precision, to 1970 — the year of the earliest story in both the Vintage and Scribner anthologies. NYC remembers the ’70s not at all, and the ’80s only for the coke, but the MFA culture keeps alive the reputations of great (Ann Beattie), near-great (Joy Williams), and merely excellent writers whom publishing has long since passed by.

1970, not coincidentally, also marks the beginning of the careers of many of the eminent writers who emerged from the MFA heyday of the early ’70s, and who now hold the most distinguished chairs in the MFA culture. Thus the MFA canon is a living canon not just by definition — it is after all “contemporary” literature — but because the writers who comprise it are constant presences on the scene, and active shapers of the canon’s contents. They teach (however reluctantly), they advise, they anthologize, they travel from program to program to read. A writer’s university becomes an automatic champion of her work, and as her students disperse to jobs at other schools, so does the championing. The writer doesn’t assign her own work — she doesn’t have to — but she assigns that of her friends, and invites them to speak. It will be interesting to see what happens when this group of older writers dies (they are unlikely to give up their jobs beforehand); whether the MFA canon will leap forward, or back, or switch tracks entirely, to accommodate the interests, private and aesthetic, of a younger group of writer-teachers. Perhaps (among other possibilities) the MFA culture will take a turn toward the novel.


AS THE MFA FICTION WRITER moves toward the poetic/academic model, the NYC writer moves toward the Hollywood model. Not because fiction writers earn their keep as screenwriters (a few do, but that was by and large an earlier era; MFA/NYC could be said to have replaced NYC/LA as an organizing cultural rubric), but because New York publishing increasingly resembles the Hollywood world of blockbuster-or-bust, in which a handful of books earn all the hype and do humongous business; others succeed as low-budget indies; and the rest are released to a shudder of silence, if at all. Advances skew to the very high and the pitifully low, and the overall economics of the industry amplify and reinforce this income gap, as the blockbuster novelist not only sells her book to an actual film studio — thus stepping out of the shadow-world into the true bright one — but also parcels out lucrative translation rights to foreign markets. The advance multiplies; the money makes money. And — what’s better than money — people will actually read the book.

Thus the literary-corporate publishing industry comes to replicate the prevailing economic logic, in which the rich get richer and the rest live on hope and copyediting. As with any ultracompetitive industry, like professional basketball or hedge funds, exceptional prestige accrues to the successes, and with some reason. The NYC writer has to earn money by writing (or else consider herself a failure in her own terms), which gives her a certain enlarged dignity and ambition. It also imposes certain strictures. First off, as already mentioned, it demands that the writer write novels.

Second, and perhaps most important, to be an NYC writer means to submit to an unconscious yet powerful pressure toward readability. Such pressure has always existed, of course, but in recent years it has achieved a fearsome intensity. On one hand, a weakened market for literary fiction makes publishing houses less likely than ever to devote resources to work that doesn’t, like a pop song, “hook” the reader right away. On the other, the MFA-driven shift in the academic canon has altered the approach of writers outside the university, as well as those within. Throughout the latter half of the last century, many of our most talented novelists — Nabokov, Gaddis, Bellow, Pynchon, DeLillo, Wallace — carved out for themselves a cultural position that depended precisely on a combination of public and academic acclaim. Such writers were readable enough to become famous, yet large and knotty enough to require professional explanation — thus securing an afterlife, and an aftermarket, for their lives’ work. Syntactical intricacy, narrative ambiguity, formal innovation, and even length were aids to canonization, feeding the university’s need for books against which students and professors could test and prove their interpretive skills. Canonization, in turn, contributed to public renown. Thus the ambitious novelist, writing with one eye on the academy and the other on New York, could hope to secure a durable readership without succumbing (at least not fully) to the logic of the blockbuster. It was a strategy shaped by, and suited to, the era of the English department, which valued scholarly interpretation over writerly imitation, the long novel over the short story. (And when it came to white males imagining themselves into the canon, it helped that the canon was still composed mostly of white males.)

The death of David Foster Wallace could be said to mark the end of this quasi-popular tradition, at least temporarily. What one notices first about NYC-orbiting contemporary fiction is how much sense everyone makes. The best young NYC novelists go to great lengths to write comprehensible prose and tie their plots neat as a bow. How one longs, in a way, for endings like that of DeLillo’s first novel, Americana, where everyone just pees on everyone else for no reason! The trend toward neatness and accessibility is often posited to be the consequence of the workshop’s relentless paring. But for NYC writers — despite their degrees — it might be better understood as the result of fierce market pressure toward the middlebrow, combined with a deep authorial desire to communicate to the uninterested. The NYC writer knows that to speak obliquely is tantamount to not speaking at all; if anyone notices her words, it will only be to accuse her of irrelevance and elitism. She doesn’t worry about who might read her work in twenty years; she worries about who might read it now. She’s thrown her economic lot in with the publishers, and the publishers are very, very worried. Who has both the money to buy a hardcover book and the time to stick with something tricky? Who wants to reread Faulknerian sentences on a Kindle, or scroll back to pick up a missed plot point? Nobody, says the publisher. And the NYC novelist understands — she’d better understand, or else she’ll have to move to Cleveland.

It helps, too, to write long books; to address large-scale societal change and engage in sharp but affable satire of same; and to title the work with sweeping, often faintly nationalist simplicity: Mason & Dixon, say, or American Pastoral (American anything, really — Psycho, Wife, Rust, Purgatorio, Subversive, Woman). This is not to belittle these books, a few of which are excellent, but to point out that their authors are only partly at liberty (American Liberty!) to do otherwise. However naturally large the NYC novelist’s imagination, it is shaped by the need to make a broad appeal, to communicate quickly, and to be socially relevant in ways that can be recreated in a review. The current archetype of this kind of novel also happens to be the best American novel of the young millennium — Jonathan Franzen’s Freedom. (Franzen, famously, offered an unfortunately ahistorical account of the novelist’s difficult relationship to difficulty in a 2002 essay about William Gaddis.) Having written, in The Corrections, a clear and lyrical long novel that brought large social and political forces to bear on domestic life, Franzen followed it with an even longer and clearer novel that brings even larger social and political forces to bear on domestic life. He could hardly have done anything else. Freedom is the most simply written of his books and also the most complex and best; it grapples with the most unspeakable of contemporary political problems — overpopulation — in a rivetingly plainspoken way. The novelist who converts heroic effort into effortless prose has been a standard figure since Flaubert, but in Franzen this project comes to seem like something else, something more momentous and telling if not aesthetically superior — something, perhaps, like the willed effort of the entire culture to create for itself a novel that it still wants to read.

In short, the writer who hopes to make a living by publishing — whether wildly successful like Franzen, more moderately so, or just starting out — is subject to a host of subtle market pressures, pressures that might be neutral in their aesthetic effects, but which enforce a certain consistency, and a sort of Authorial Social Responsibility. Regardless of whether reading comprehension and attention spans have declined, the publishers think that they have, and the market shapes itself accordingly. The presumed necessity of “competing for attention” with other media becomes internalized, and the work comes out crystal-clear. The point is not that good books go unpublished — to the contrary, scores of crappy literary novels continue to get snapped up by hopeful editors. The point is that market forces cause some good books to go unnoticed, and even more — how many more? — to go unwritten.

And the NYC writer, because she lives in New York, has constant opportunity to intuit and internalize the demands of her industry. It could be objected that just because the NYC writer’s editor, publisher, agent, and publicist all live in New York, that doesn’t mean that she does too. After all, it would be cheaper and calmer to live most anywhere else. This objection is sound in theory; in practice, it is false. NYC novelists live in New York — specifically, they live in a small area of west-central Brooklyn bounded by DUMBO and Prospect Heights. They partake of a social world defined by the selection (by agents), evaluation (by editors), purchase (by publishers), production, publication, publicization, and second evaluation (by reviewers) and purchase (by readers) of NYC novels. The NYC novelist gathers her news not from Poets & Writers but from the Observer and Gawker; not from the academic grapevine but from publishing parties, where she drinks with agents and editors and publicists. She writes reviews for Bookforum and the Sunday Times. She also tends to set her work in the city where she and her imagined reader reside: as in the most recent novels of Shteyngart, Ferris, Galchen, and Foer, to name just four prominent members of the New Yorker’s 20-under-40 list.

None of this amounts to a shrewd conspiracy, as mystified outsiders sometimes charge, but it does mean that the NYC writer participates in the publishing and reviewing racket to an unnerving extent. She is an unabashed industry expert. Even if years away from finishing her first novel, she constantly and involuntarily collects information about what the publishing industry needs, or thinks it needs. Thus the congeniality of Brooklyn becomes a silky web that binds writers to the demands of the market, demands that insinuate themselves into every detail and email of the writer’s life. It seems like a sordid situation. Then again, the publishing industry has always been singularly confused, unable to devote itself fully to either art or commerce, so perhaps the influence works both ways; perhaps the NYC writer, by keeping the industry close, hopes also to keep it honest, and a little bit interested in the art it champions.


WHAT WILL HAPPEN? Economically speaking, the MFA system has announced its outsized ambitions, making huge investments in infrastructure and personnel, and offering gaudy salaries and propitious working conditions to secure top talent. The NYC system, on the other hand, presents itself as cautious and embattled, devoted to hanging on. And a business model that relies on tuition and tax revenue (the top six MFA programs, according to Poets & Writers, are part of large public universities); the continued unemployability of 20-somethings; and the continued hunger of undergraduates for undemanding classes, does seem more forward-looking than one that relies on overflow income from superfluous books by celebrities, politicians, and their former lovers. It was announced recently that Zadie Smith — one of the few writers equipped by fame to do otherwise — has accepted a tenured position at NYU, presumably for the health insurance; perhaps this marks the beginning of the end, a sign that in the future there will be no NYC writers at all, just a handful of writers accomplished enough to teach in NYC. New York will have become — as it has long been becoming — a place where some writers go for a wanderjahr or two between the completion of their MFAs and the commencement of their teaching careers. No one with “literary” aspirations will expect to earn a living by publishing books; the glory days when publishers still waffled between patronage and commerce will be much lamented. The lit-lovers who used to become editors and agents will direct MFA programs instead; the book industry will become as rational — that is, as single-mindedly devoted to profit — as every other capitalist industry. The writers, even more so than now, will write for other writers. And so their common ambition and mission and salvation, their profession — indeed their only hope — will be to make writers of us all.


“WELL, LOOK, WHATEVER, I’ll get a degree in neurosurgery. And one in rocket science.” We move the gold star decal from the peel-off sheet to the reply card and check two boxes.

“A round of beers on us,” we say, glancing over the taps for something affordable but not insulting. “Heinekens for everybody.”

“I don’t want none of them Ivory Tower beers,” says Pimm.

“Sure, that’s what he would drink,” Raki mutters, just barely within our hearing.

“Hey, look,” we say. “Budweiser, then. A Bud for everybody.”

“Oh, sure, the man of the people here,” Pimm growls.

“Come on, it’s the same me! Just because I’ve got a PhD now, honorary, and, um, an MD . . . For God’s sake, Pimm. You live in the International Space Station condos in Williamsburg. Your wife got you a job in her bank. You monitor screens all day to match buy and sell numbers.”

“Yeah, I make my decisions on real world experience,” he says proudly. “More people should!”