Date   

Pandemic Highlights Deep-Rooted Problems in Indian Health Service

Louis Proyect
 


Pandemic Highlights Deep-Rooted Problems in Indian Health Service

Few hospital beds, lack of equipment, a shipment of body bags in response to a request for coronavirus tests: The agency providing health care to tribal communities struggled to meet the challenge.

Nathaniel Garcia outside his home near Window Rock, Ariz. The coronavirus has killed more than 500 people in Navajo Nation. Credit...Sharon Chischilly for The New York Times

By 


WINDOW ROCK, Ariz. — Matalynn Lee Tsosie showed up at the Indian Health Service hospital in Gallup, N.M., one day in April feeling poorly and having trouble breathing. When her coronavirus test came back positive, the hospital gave her a prescription for an inhaler, an oxygen tank and orders to go home and rest.

Three days later Ms. Tsosie, a 40-year-old secretary for the local school system, was back at the hospital, this time in dire condition. But the hospital was ill-equipped to handle severe coronavirus cases. She was transferred to a hospital two hours away in Albuquerque, where she died alone after doctors tried to take her off a ventilator.

“My thought from the beginning was that it was a slow response,” said her sister, Kirsten Tsosie, fighting back tears. “I think a lot of lives could have been saved if we had a quick response to it.”

Long before the coronavirus, the Indian Health Service, the government program that provides health care to the 2.2 million members of the nation’s tribal communities, was plagued by shortages of funding and supplies, a lack of doctors and nurses, too few hospital beds and aging facilities.

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Now the pandemic has exposed those weaknesses as never before, contributing to the disproportionally high infection and death rates among Native Americans and fueling new anger about what critics say has been decades of neglect from Congress and successive administrations in Washington.

Hospitals waited months for protective equipment, some of which ended up being expired, and had far too few beds and ventilators to handle the flood of Covid-19 patients. The agency failed to tailor health guidance to the reality of life on poverty-wracked reservations and did little to collect comprehensive data on hospitalizations, death rates and testing to help tribes spot outbreaks and respond.

The virus has killed more than 500 people in the Navajo Nation in the southwest United States, giving it a death rate higher than New York, Florida and Texas. It has infected more than 10 percent of the small tribe of Choctaw Indians in Mississippi.

A New York Times analysis found that the coronavirus positivity rate for Indian Health Service patients in Navajo Nation and the Phoenix area was nearly 20 percent from the start of the pandemic through July, compared with 7 percent nationally during the same period. It is now down to about 14 percent in both areas, nearly three times higher than the current nationwide rate.

Image
Cordaryll Tolino disinfecting shopping carts at Bashas’ Diné Market in Window Rock. Native American communities have consistently had higher positivity rates than the general population.Credit...Sharon Chischilly for The New York Times

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Image
Shaandiin P. Parrish, Miss Navajo Nation,
                    handing out homemade masks, hand sanitizer and
                    information pamphlets at a checkpoint in Chinle,
                    Ariz.
Shaandiin P. Parrish, Miss Navajo Nation, handing out homemade masks, hand sanitizer and information pamphlets at a checkpoint in Chinle, Ariz.Credit...Sharon Chischilly for The New York Times

In Arizona, Native Americans account for 11 percent of all coronavirus deaths in the state despite making up only 5 percent of the population. In New Mexico, nearly 30 percent of infections are Native Americans even though they are only 11 percent of the population.

The systematic weaknesses in the health system forced tribal officials to take matters into their own hands, spending millions of dollars of tribal money to bolster the response and enacting curfews and other steps to enforce social distancing. The Oglala Sioux and Cheyenne River Sioux tribes in South Dakota, among others, tried to head off the spread by limiting entry into their reservations.

“If we would have waited for the federal government’s help, our deaths could have been in the thousands,” said Mike Sixkiller, a city coronavirus coordinator in Tuba City, Ariz., where the virus first entered the Navajo Nation.

The doctors and nurses at the federally run hospital in Tuba City pleaded on social media for protective medical equipment, hand sanitizer and other supplies while waiting for assistance from Washington. City officials took the same approach and began receiving donations from across the country.

In states with Indian Health Service hospitals, the death rates for preventable diseases — like alcohol-related illnesses, diabetes and liver disease — are three to five times higher for Native Americans, who largely rely on those hospitals, than for other races combined.

So the virus hit the Indian Health Service and the people it is supposed to serve like a freight train.

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“It started as a complete nightmare here,” said Frank Armao, the chief medical officer at the Winslow Indian Health Care Center in Arizona.

He said the hospital struggled to obtain protective equipment for its medical workers during the initial surge. The hospital relied heavily on donations from outside groups and nurses stitching together masks as patients began to flood in.

“It was absolute panic at first; everyone assumed N95s were going to be forthcoming, and pretty quickly we realized that, holy cow, the tribe doesn’t have the stockpiles they were supposed to have,” Mr. Armao said.

He said 32 patients died at the hospital. Most were the tribe’s older members, who were in their 70s and had underlying conditions like diabetes and heart disease. Many critically ill patients had to be transferred to hospitals in Arizona and New Mexico because the health care system was not equipped to treat them.

Image
Frank
                    Armao, the chief medical officer at the Winslow
                    Indian Health Care Center, with a patient at the
                    hospital. Thirty-two Covid-19 patients have died
                    there.
Frank Armao, the chief medical officer at the Winslow Indian Health Care Center, with a patient at the hospital. Thirty-two Covid-19 patients have died there.Credit...Sharon Chischilly for The New York Times
Image
Rear
                    Adm. Michael D. Weahkee, a member of the Zuni Tribe,
                    became the leader of the Indian Health Service in
                    April after serving in an interim capacity since
                    2015.
Rear Adm. Michael D. Weahkee, a member of the Zuni Tribe, became the leader of the Indian Health Service in April after serving in an interim capacity since 2015.Credit...Sarah Silbiger/Getty Images

Many of the service’s hospitals lack the medical expertise and equipment to treat patients with severe illness. The vacancy rate in the health system for doctors in Navajo Nation is more than 25 percent; for nurses, it is 40 percent.

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Based in Rockville, Md., the Indian Health Service, often referred to as I.H.S., was created to carry out the government’s treaty obligation to provide health care services to eligible American Indians and Alaskan Natives. The tribes agreed to exchange land and natural resources for health care and other services from the U.S. government as part of the Fort Laramie Treaty of 1868.

The agency, which has 15,170 employees, most of whom work in the hospitals and clinics, was without permanent leadership until a few months into the pandemic. Rear Adm. Michael D. Weahkee, a member of the Zuni Tribe, was confirmed by the Senate in April after leading the agency on an interim basis since 2015. Mr. Weahkee declined to comment for this article.

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The system consists of 26 hospitals, 56 health centers and 32 health stations. The hospitals range in size from four beds to 133. The Indian Health Service is broken into a dozen service regions across the country, each one serving tribes living in that area.

The pandemic forced the agency to scramble.

“We can get you N95s (they’re expired, but the C.D.C. and I.H.S. say that they’re still OK to use),” an I.H.S. official wrote in an email to tribal officials looking for protective medical equipment.

“I feel like it is common practice that we are always getting the bottom of the barrel, the leftover,” said Esther Lucero, the chief executive officer of the Seattle Indian Health Board. At one point, she requested more coronavirus tests and instead received body bags.

Even before the pandemic, health problems were rampant in communities served by the agency, meaning many people had underlying conditions that would complicate treatment of the virus. And the poverty on many reservations created an additional problem.

At the Navajo Nation, which includes parts of Arizona, New Mexico and Utah, many people live in homes without electricity, and a third of the population does not have running water. Many units house more than one family, and it is not uncommon for grandparents, parents and grandchildren to live under one roof.

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These settings made it difficult to follow the main guidance from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to stop the spread of the virus: frequent hand-washing, social distancing and isolation in case of infection.

Many residents have spent the past months rationing a limited supply of water, prioritizing drinking water for themselves and livestock over hand washing. That also means more than a third of residents travel to the reservation’s most populous cities and nearby border towns to buy water in bulk, potentially exposing themselves and others to the virus.

Image
“We only have a handful of health facilities, and some of them don’t even have beds anymore,” said Jonathan Nez, the president of Navajo Nation.Credit...Sharon Chischilly for The New York Times
Image
“I don’t think Indian Health Service was generally positioned to respond to a pandemic nationally,” said Dr. Jill Jim, the Navajo Nation health director.Credit...Sharon Chischilly for The New York Times

“We’re a sparsely populated area, so people have to travel miles to get their health care,” said Jonathan Nez, the president of the Navajo Nation. “It’s especially difficult if you don’t have electricity or even water.”

But those needs were not reflected in the health service’s initial response.

The small town of Kayenta, Ariz., was among the first on the reservation to be hit by the pandemic. Ruth White, a registered nurse with the Navajo Public Health Nursing Program, said patients looking to be tested or seeking treatment were being turned away if they did not have severe symptoms. The public health nurses would try to track down these patients and track their symptoms by phone. And at times, nurses pooled together money to provide the patients with masks, food and medication while they quarantined.

But sometimes, it wasn’t enough, and patients died waiting for medical treatment that never came.

“They developed relationships, and as the patients got sicker and sicker our staff would feel it, too,” Ms. White said, wiping tears from her face. “Our staff felt like it was our fault.”

Philana Brown, a public health nurse at the hospital in Kayenta, dealt with the virus personally. Ms. Brown said that her brother’s condition worsened after initially experiencing headaches, and that he collapsed and died just as the ambulance arrived at his home.

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Ms. Brown later tested positive for the virus but refused to be airlifted out, fearing she might not make it back. Instead, she spent weeks in an isolation room, sometimes with other patients.

Image
Philana Brown, a public health nurse, delivering food and supplies to a patient in Kayenta, Ariz. Ms. Brown tested positive for the virus herself. Credit...Sharon Chischilly for The New York Times
Image
Betty
                    Bennett received food and supplies from public
                    health nurses near Kayenta, Ariz. Many homes in
                    tribal communities do not have electricity or
                    running water.
Betty Bennett received food and supplies from public health nurses near Kayenta, Ariz. Many homes in tribal communities do not have electricity or running water.Credit...Sharon Chischilly for The New York Times

The Navajo Nation is one of I.H.S.’s 12 service regions. The federal agency runs 14 health care facilities on the reservation. There are 222 hospital beds available to the reservation’s more than 170,000 residents. (The agency says the region also serves another 74,000 Native Americans who live off the reservation.) That ratio of hospital beds to population is about a third of the figure for the general population in the United States.

“We only have a handful of health facilities, and some of them don’t even have beds anymore,” Mr. Nez said. “For a nation that is the size of West Virginia to have only a handful of hospitals is unacceptable.”

The agency’s defenders say it has always been woefully underfunded. They say Congress and previous presidential administrations should shoulder just as much blame as President Trump and the agency’s management for its current shortcomings.

“I see members of Congress eager to point the finger at Indian Health Service, and they should be pointing the finger at themselves,” said Dr. Donald Warne, the director of the Indians Into Medicine program at the University of North Dakota School of Medicine and Health Sciences.

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In 2017, the Indian Health Service spent $3,332 per patient, according to a report by the National Congress of American Indians. By comparison, Medicare spent $12,829 per patient that year, and Medicaid spent $7,789 per patient, the report said.

After a scandal in 2014 uncovered appalling patient care issues at the hospitals of the Department of Veterans Affairs, Congress and the Obama administration spent billions of dollars to shorten wait times, fill provider gaps and upgrade the medical facilities.

Native Americans can only wish that sense of urgency be afforded to the government-run hospitals that are supposed to serve them.

Dr. Jill Jim, the executive director of the Navajo Department of Health, said officials in the Navajo Nation area of the Indian Health Service responded to the best of their abilities despite a lack of resources and expertise at the headquarters level.

“I don’t think Indian Health Service was generally positioned to respond to a pandemic nationally,” she said. “They don’t have a public emergency office, they don’t have dedicated staff that are hired for public health emergencies.”


The Bleak Resonance of ‘Native Son’ | by Gary Younge | The New York Review of Books

Louis Proyect
 


Trump’s Praetorian Guard | by Jonathan Stevenson | The New York Review of Books

Louis Proyect
 

President Trump is attempting to turn “law and order versus anarchy” into an election issue that will distract voters from the White House’s incompetence in dealing with Covid-19 and the economic consequences of the pandemic, and provide cover for its perpetuation of systemic racial injustice. He has sent armed federal agents into majority-Democratic cities on the pretext of quelling unrest stemming from Black Lives Matter protests. At the same time, he appears to be encouraging his supporters to sow chaos in Democratic cities in order to create an excuse for redeploying federal forces and to reinforce fears of disorder.

https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2020/10/22/trump-law-order-praetorian-guard/


Re: Revisionismo trotskista

Ken Hiebert
 

A treasure trove of materials, even if you limit yourself to the Stalin era cartoons denouncing Trotsky.

As you scroll down you will see that this is published by the American Party of Labor, apparently a genuine left group in the US. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/American_Party_of_Labor

Two items I found interesting.

Molotov on Mao. 
https://espressostalinist.com/2018/08/13/molotov-on-mao/
Molotov reports that when Mao first visited Moscow, Stalin kept him waiting for a number of days.

The Problem of Pablo Picasso
https://espressostalinist.com/2017/07/30/alliance-marxist-leninist-the-problem-of-pablo-picasso/

       ken h



WE'RE ALL DOOMED - Trump vs. Biden ft. "Weird Al" Yankovic - YouTube

Louis Proyect
 


Internal document shows Trump officials were told to make comments sympathetic to Kyle Rittenhouse

Louis Proyect
 


Tuesday’s Debate Made Clear the Gravest Threat to the Election: The President Himself

Louis Proyect
 

(Lead article in today's NYT)

Tuesday’s Debate Made Clear the Gravest Threat to the Election: The President Himself
President Trump’s unwillingness to say he would abide by the result and his disinformation campaign about election fraud went beyond anything President Vladimir V. Putin could have imagined.
By David E. Sanger
NY Times, Sept. 30, 2020

President Trump’s angry insistence in the last minutes of Tuesday’s debate that there was no way the presidential election could be conducted without fraud amounted to an extraordinary declaration by a sitting American president that he would try to throw any outcome into the courts, Congress or the streets if he was not re-elected.

His comments came after four years of debate about the possibility of foreign interference in the 2020 election and how to counter such disruptions. But they were a stark reminder that the most direct threat to the electoral process now comes from the president of the United States himself.

Mr. Trump’s unwillingness to say he would abide by the result, and his disinformation campaign about the integrity of the American electoral system, went beyond anything President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia could have imagined. All Mr. Putin has to do now is amplify the president’s message, which he has already begun to do.

Everything Mr. Trump said in his face-off with Joseph R. Biden Jr., the Democratic presidential nominee, he had already delivered in recent weeks, in tweets and at rallies with his faithful. But he had never before put it all together in front of such a large audience as he did on Tuesday night.

The president began the debate with a declaration that balloting already underway was “a fraud and a shame” and proof of “a rigged election.”

It quickly became apparent that Mr. Trump was doing more than simply trying to discredit the mail-in ballots that are being used to ensure voters are not disenfranchised by a pandemic — the same way of voting that five states have used for years with minimal fraud.

He followed it by encouraging his supporters to “go into the polls” and “watch very carefully,” which seemed to be code words for a campaign of voter intimidation, aimed at those who brave the coronavirus risks of voting in person.

And Mr. Trump’s declaration that the Supreme Court would have to “look at the ballots” and that “we might not know for months because these ballots are going to be all over” seemed to suggest that he would try to place the election in the hands of a court where he has been rushing to cement a conservative majority with his nomination of Judge Amy Coney Barrett.

And if he cannot win there, he has already raised the possibility of using the argument of a fraudulent election to throw the decision to the House of Representatives, where he believes he has an edge because every state delegation gets one vote in resolving an election with no clear winner. At least for now, 26 of those delegations have a majority of Republican representatives.

Taken together, his attacks on the integrity of the coming election suggested that a country that has successfully run presidential elections since 1788 (a messy first experiment, which stretched just under a month), through civil wars, world wars and natural disasters now faces the gravest challenge in its history to the way it chooses a leader and peacefully transfers power.

“We have never heard a president deliberately cast doubt on an election’s integrity this way a month before it happened,” said Michael Beschloss, a presidential historian and the author of “Presidents of War.” “This is the kind of thing we have preached to other countries that they should not do. It reeks of autocracy, not democracy.”

But what worried American intelligence and homeland security officials, who have been assuring the public for months now that an accurate, secure vote could happen, was that Mr. Trump’s rant about a fraudulent vote may have been intended for more than just a domestic audience.

They have been worried for some time that his warnings are a signal to outside powers — chiefly the Russians — for their disinformation campaigns, which have seized on his baseless theme that the mail-in ballots are ridden with fraud. But what concerns them the most is that over the next 34 days, the country may begin to see disruptive cyberoperations, especially ransomware, intended to create just enough chaos to prove the president’s point.

Those who studied the 2016 election have seen this coming for a long while and warned about the risk. The Republicans who led Senate Intelligence Committee’s final report on that election included a clear warning.

Brad Parscale steps away from the Trump campaign entirely after episode involving law enforcement.
“Sitting officials and candidates should use the absolute greatest amount of restraint and caution if they are considering publicly calling the validity of an upcoming election into question,” the report said, noting that doing so would only be “exacerbating the already damaging messaging efforts of foreign intelligence services.”

That has happened already. Representative Adam B. Schiff, Democrat of California and the chairman of the House Intelligence Committee, said in a recent interview he had asked the intelligence agencies he oversees to look for examples of the Russians picking up on Mr. Trump’s words.

“Sure enough, it wasn’t long before the intelligence community started seeing exactly that,” Mr. Schiff said. “It was too enticing and predictable an option for the Russians. They have been amplifying Trump’s false attacks on absentee voting.”

What is striking is how Mr. Trump’s fundamental assessment that the election would be fraudulent differed so sharply from that of some of the officials he has appointed. It was only last week that the director of the F.B.I., Christopher A. Wray, said his agency had “not seen, historically, any kind of coordinated national voter fraud effort in a major election, whether it’s by mail or otherwise.”

Mr. Wray was immediately attacked by the White House chief of staff, Mark Meadows. “With all due respect to Director Wray, he has a hard time finding emails in his own F.B.I.”

Mr. Trump himself has provided no evidence to back up his assertions, apart from citing a handful of Pennsylvania ballots discarded in a dumpster — and immediately tracked down, and counted, by election officials.

Meanwhile, the Department of Homeland Security and the F.B.I. have been issuing warnings, as recently as 24 hours before the debate, about the dangers of disinformation in what could be a tumultuous time after the election.

“During the 2020 election season, foreign actors and cybercriminals are spreading false and inconsistent information through various online platforms in an attempt to manipulate public opinion, discredit the electoral process and undermine confidence in U.S. democratic institutions,” the agencies wrote in a joint public service announcement.

It detailed the kind of data that could be leaked — mostly voter registration details — and said the agencies “have no information suggesting any cyberattack on U.S. election infrastructure has prevented an election from occurring, compromised the accuracy of voter registration information, prevented a registered voter from casting a ballot, or compromised the integrity of any ballots cast.”

When officials involved in those announcements were asked whether Mr. Trump had different information, which would explain his repeated attacks on the election system, they went silent.

They had little choice. It was apparent to them that the chief disinformation source was their boss. And for that, they had no playbook.



California to consider slavery reparations after landmark law passed | California | The Guardian

Louis Proyect
 

Will Adolph Reed Jr. and Bhaskar Sunkara campaign against the measure?

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2020/sep/30/california-slavery-reparations-law


New Global Report Warns Nearly 40% of Plants at Risk of Extinction | Common Dreams News

Louis Proyect
 


Anti-war Statement of Azerbaijani Leftist Youth | Lefteast

Louis Proyect
 

The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has been with us since 1988, ever since the largely ethnic Armenian population of this province of the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic demanded a union with Armenia. The ensuing war ended in 1994 with Nagorno-Karabakh and some neighboring Azerbaijani territories under Armenian control and nearly a million people as refugees. Ever since then, as Azerbaijan has tried to retrieve the lost territories and the occasional negotiations proving fruitless, there have been periodic escalations of the conflict such as the Four-Day War of 2016, but never has the fighting reached the magnitude of the fighting for the last couple of days, with hundreds of soldiers (and many civilians) killed on each side. As nationalist propaganda in both countries has reached a fever pitch and the very little anti-war activity is not only drowned by vitriol but punished with arrests, LeftEast is proud to share this statement of young Azerbaijani leftists.

https://www.criticatac.ro/lefteast/anti-war-statement-of-azerbaijani-leftist-youth/


Egypt rallying Arab states to back Assad, expel Turkey from Syria

mkaradjis .
 

Trump's favourite tyrant al-Sisi of Egypt is working to unite Arab states against Turkey's military presence in northern Syria and in support of aiding Assad's genocidal regime to regain its seat in the Arab League.
Campist mindf..k, not that anything's new here.


Re: The Mass Psychology of Misery

R.O.
 

I thought it is relevant, and Frankfurt School  is also tolerated here. That you are hostile to Zerzan, I  know...  Are you a CEO perhaps?

Just bought a dutch translation of the underrated Erich Fromm for only 5 euros. (DE ANGST VOOR VRIJHEID , escape from freedom)

cheers,


On Wed, Sep 30, 2020 at 11:26 PM, <fkalosar101@...> wrote:
Who needs a psychology when Zerzan can give you a psychopathy?

This is a contrarian distraction that IMO has no place on Marxmail.


H-Net Review [H-AmIndian]: Blanton on Cobb, 'The Archaeology of Southeastern Native American Landscapes of the Colonial Era'

Andrew Stewart
 



Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW <h-review@...>
Date: September 30, 2020 at 5:44:25 PM EDT
To: h-review@...
Cc: H-Net Staff <revhelp@...>
Subject: H-Net Review [H-AmIndian]:  Blanton on Cobb, 'The Archaeology of Southeastern Native American Landscapes of the Colonial Era'
Reply-To: h-review@...

Charles R. Cobb.  The Archaeology of Southeastern Native American
Landscapes of the Colonial Era.  Gainesville  University Press of
Florida, 2019.  286 pp.  $90.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-8130-6619-6.

Reviewed by Dennis B. Blanton (James Madison University)
Published on H-AmIndian (September, 2020)
Commissioned by F. Evan Nooe

Blanton on Cobb, The Archaeology of Southeastern Native American
Landscapes of the Colonial Era

The title of this book undersells the contents. Charles Cobb delivers
the promised examination of southeastern Indigenous landscapes, to be
sure, but he does so with an arresting authority derived from depth
of research, ambitious scope, wide relevance, and erudition.
Anthropologists, archaeologists, and historians with any measure of
interest in Native North America will do themselves--and the topic--a
disservice if they do not read and reflect upon what he has to say.
If it achieves nothing else, the book provides context essential for
understanding the contemporary Native American condition.

Chronologically speaking, this work is focused on the interval
between the beginning of the sixteenth century and the close of the
nineteenth century. Theoretically, the point of departure for Cobb's
treatment of landscape is what he describes as neohistorical
anthropology. Over the course of seven chapters, he revels in the
complexity of the topic and gives explicit emphasis to historical
heterogeneity and cultural plurality. The merit of the perspective is
demonstrated by presentation of a series of what he refers to as
microhistories that concern groups like the Cherokee, Chickasaw,
Seminole, and Yamasee. The point is to demonstrate the essential
place of cultural relativism in any full and meaningful accounting of
Indigenous history. The author maintains success may be attained only
by deconstructing the interbraided range of contingent experiences.

In these respects Cobb's is a distinctly bottom-up approach. Matters
of power, authority, and sovereignty emerge as basic and enduring
factors, but historically and geographically they tend to be
expressed in unique and divergent ways. Thus, what we are implored to
recognize and appreciate is the inherent diversity of Native
experience. Still, the facts of myriad experiences also telegraph the
persistent, unifying themes of innovation and creativity that account
for adaptive successes and historical continuities.

Four "eventful dates" establish useful chronological guideposts in
the analysis, beginning with the establishment of St. Augustine in
1565 and ending with events that followed the 1783 Treaty of Paris.
Then, toward the end, the author reflects on the effects of four
"pivot points." They represent bundles of related actions, driven by
occurrences like epidemic disease and the deerskin trade, that
explain fundamental changes, albeit unevenly.

Central to Cobb's analysis is the fact of population movement through
the southeastern landscape. He reminds us that such events were not
only common--and for a long time--but most importantly, that they
were as intentional as they were forced. In this regard I found his
discussion of _emplacement_, the social production of spaces and
places, and _coalescence_, the successful and willful blending of
disparate groups, especially enlightening.

What readers will not find in Cobb's book are easy answers. Very
intentionally, he steers clear of positions that might be construed
as "reductionist." Instead, he succeeds in the express goal of
illuminating, via the lens of landscape, a history marked by healthy
doses of both fluidity and persistence. The story is complicated and
difficult, but it is also one of resilience and survival.

Citation: Dennis B. Blanton. Review of Cobb, Charles R., _The
Archaeology of Southeastern Native American Landscapes of the
Colonial Era_. H-AmIndian, H-Net Reviews. September, 2020.
URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=55367

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons
Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States
License.



Re: The Mass Psychology of Misery

fkalosar101@...
 

On Tue, Sep 29, 2020 at 01:32 AM, R.O. wrote:
It is well known that Marxism lacks a psychology. 
Who needs a psychology when Zerzan can give you a psychopathy?

This is a contrarian distraction that IMO has no place on Marxmail. There are plenty of bathroom walls available--why waste precious bandwidth here?


Full article: Science After Marx

Louis Proyect
 

Review of John Bellamy Foster's "The Return of Nature: Socialism and Ecology"

https://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/CEKWM5T4QX2CMPJKCJHC/full?target=10.1080%2F10455752.2020.1826697


Harper’s Magazine and the culture wars | Louis Proyect: The Unrepentant Marxist

Louis Proyect
 

Although the term “culture wars” did not get coined until 1991, when sociologist James Davison Hunter came out with “Culture Wars: The Struggle to Define America”, I’d argue that its origins were in the Reagan presidency, when the right began to demonize the left as intolerant and out of touch with the values of everyday Americans. It is no surprise that the conflict was sharpest in academia where newly tenured 60s radicals had the nerve to defend Marxism in classrooms. While most of the fire was directed at the Marxists, postmodernists took a beating for their “relativism”.

full: https://louisproyect.org/2020/09/30/harpers-magazine-and-the-culture-wars/


Zoom Webinar on John Reed

Richard Modiano
 

My friend Robert Rosenstone asked me to share this with anyone who may be interested.

Robert A. Rosenstone invites you

SAVE SATURDAY, OCTOBER 17

6 pm Pacific Coast Time – 9 pm Eastern Time

ZOOM WEBINAR ON JOHN REED

poet, journalist, radical, revolutionary

on the 100th anniversary of his death in Moscow

https://hbs.zoom.us/j/96580026918?pwd=VzNIY2JIdFEwYzlYL3lqajNON1NkZz09&from=msft

Meeting ID: 965 8002 6918           Password: 672740
                                            
Please RSVP to me at rarosenstone@...  if you plan to attend.

Authors Robert A. Rosenstone and Kenneth Z. Chutchian will explore the life and legacy of one of America’s most important radicals, John Reed–­author of Ten Days That Shook the World, the classic eyewitness account of the Bolshevik Revolution. In a session moderated by Scott Glidden, we will elaborate on his life, beliefs, career, and enduring importance in these troubled and chaotic times. Both of us are biographers of Reed – my Romantic Revolutionary was published in 1975 and Ken’s John Reed: Radical Journalist, 1887-1920, in 2019. Reed’s life was the subject of the film, Reds (1982), directed by Warren Beatty and winner of three Academy Awards.

Years before his experiences in the Russian Revolution, Reed was an editor of The Masses (the underground monthly of the vibrant Greenwich Village counter culture of artists and radicals), an honored poet, short story writer, and highly-paid journalist, famous for reports from labor conflicts, the Mexican Revolution, and both the Western and Eastern Fronts of World War One. In 1919 he helped to organize the Communist Labor Party of the United States, and his death in Russia of typhus came after he served as a delegate of that party to the Communist International.

We hope you join us for this event, as we share insights into the life of this often overlooked, but important poet, journalist, and romantic radical revolutionary.


Re: Marxmail and the Intellectual Dark Web

John Edmundson
 

Louis wrote:
"Jordan Peterson who embarrassed himself in a debate over Marxism with Slavoj Zizek, which is pretty hard to do."

To be fair, if it's the interview I saw they both embarrassed themselves . . .

My stepson had a brief interest in Jordan Peterson; he seems to appeal to young people who are wanting to engage critically with the world but hopefully most people move on from him. I was bracing myself for Peterson to demolish Zizek and that be the end of my stepson's interest in Marxism but my fear was unfounded. Peterson, who is, I think, quite intelligent and might even have something interesting to say if he stuck to what he knows, simply revealed a profound ignorance of Marx that even Zizek's incomprehensibility couldn't make look clever.

Comradely,
John


On Thu, Oct 1, 2020 at 5:24 AM Richard Modiano <richardmodiano@...> wrote:
A novelist who I correspond with (no longer) wrote a crack pot article about a self-invented "neo-Marxism" that I considered posting here for humor until it showed up on an IDW site. Glad I though better of it.



--
"All I ask of our brethren is that they take their feet off our necks."
Sarah Moore Grimke, abolitionist (1792-1873)


Armenia-Azerbaijan: A New War in the South Caucasus

RKOB
 

Armenia-Azerbaijan: A New War in the South Caucasus

Reactionary regimes in crisis wage a chauvinist war against each other. Russia’s intervention would transform it into an imperialist war.

30 September 2020

https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/europe/new-war-in-the-south-caucasus/

-- 
Revolutionär-Kommunistische Organisation BEFREIUNG
(Österreichische Sektion der RCIT, www.thecommunists.net)
www.rkob.net
aktiv@...
Tel./SMS/WhatsApp/Telegram: +43-650-4068314

Virenfrei. www.avast.com


Trump's coup d'etat -- or not?

fkalosar101@...
 

Consider the source of the following--Joseph Kishore and "David North." Uh-kay?  A pair of slippery characters. Nevertheless, and despite the conspiracist tone and rambling delivery, a summary of something that is on many people's minds as a matter of urgency.  Note that Kishore and "North" wind up calling for a general strike as has Mark Lause here.  

Could this come from the masses shadowing BLM as "allies'?  Is there a cadre of young socialists not infected with the autonomist Mickey Rooney spirit among the protesters?  It won't be the SEP who organize this.

https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2020/09/24/pers-s24.html