Pandemic Highlights Deep-Rooted Problems in Indian Health
Service
Few hospital beds, lack of
equipment, a shipment of body bags in response to a request
for coronavirus tests: The agency providing health care to
tribal communities struggled to meet the challenge.
Nathaniel
Garcia outside his home near Window Rock, Ariz. The
coronavirus has killed more than 500 people in Navajo
Nation. Credit...Sharon
Chischilly for The New York Times
ByMark Walker
WINDOW
ROCK, Ariz. — Matalynn Lee Tsosie showed up at the Indian
Health Service hospital in Gallup, N.M., one day in April
feeling poorly and having trouble breathing. When her
coronavirus test came back positive, the hospital gave her a
prescription for an inhaler, an oxygen tank and orders to go
home and rest.
Three
days later Ms. Tsosie, a 40-year-old secretary for the local
school system, was back at the hospital, this time in dire
condition. But the hospital was ill-equipped to handle
severe coronavirus cases. She was transferred to a hospital
two hours away in Albuquerque, where she died alone after
doctors tried to take her off a ventilator.
“My
thought from the beginning was that it was a slow response,”
said her sister, Kirsten Tsosie, fighting back tears. “I
think a lot of lives could have been saved if we had a quick
response to it.”
Long before the coronavirus,
the Indian Health Service, the government program that
provides health care to the 2.2 million members of the
nation’s tribal communities, wasplagued by shortages of funding and supplies, a
lack of doctors and nurses, too few hospital beds and aging
facilities.
Now
the pandemic has exposed those weaknesses as never before,
contributing to the disproportionally high infection and
death rates among Native Americans and fueling new anger
about what critics say has been decades of neglect from
Congress and successive administrations in Washington.
Hospitals
waited months for protective equipment, some of which ended
up being expired, and had far too few beds and ventilators
to handle the flood of Covid-19 patients. The agency failed
to tailor health guidance to the reality of life on
poverty-wracked reservations and didlittle to collect comprehensive dataon
hospitalizations, death rates and testing to help tribes
spot outbreaks and respond.
The
virus has killed more than 500 people in the Navajo Nation
in the southwest United States, giving it a death rate
higher than New York, Florida and Texas. It has infected
more than 10 percent of the small tribe of Choctaw Indians
in Mississippi.
A New York Times analysis
found that the coronavirus positivity rate for Indian Health
Service patients in Navajo Nation and the Phoenix area was
nearly 20 percent from the start of the pandemic through
July, compared with 7 percent nationally during the same
period. It is now down to about 14 percent in both areas,
nearly three times higher than thecurrent nationwide rate.
Image
Cordaryll
Tolino disinfecting shopping carts at Bashas’ Diné
Market in Window Rock. Native American communities have
consistently had higher positivity rates than the
general population.Credit...Sharon Chischilly for The New York Times
Shaandiin
P. Parrish, Miss Navajo Nation, handing out homemade
masks, hand sanitizer and information pamphlets at a
checkpoint in Chinle, Ariz.Credit...Sharon Chischilly for The New York Times
In
Arizona, Native Americans account for 11 percent of all
coronavirus deaths in the state despite making up only 5
percent of the population. In New Mexico, nearly 30 percent
of infections are Native Americans even though they are only
11 percent of the population.
The
systematic weaknesses in the health system forced tribal
officials to take matters into their own hands, spending
millions of dollars of tribal money to bolster the response
and enacting curfews and other steps to enforce social
distancing. The Oglala Sioux and Cheyenne River Sioux tribes
in South Dakota, among others, tried to head off the spread
by limiting entry into their reservations.
“If
we would have waited for the federal government’s help, our
deaths could have been in the thousands,” said Mike
Sixkiller, a city coronavirus coordinator in Tuba City,
Ariz., where the virus first entered the Navajo Nation.
The
doctors and nurses at the federally run hospital in Tuba
City pleaded on social media for protective medical
equipment, hand sanitizer and other supplies while waiting
for assistance from Washington. City officials took the same
approach and began receiving donations from across the
country.
In
states with Indian Health Service hospitals, the death rates
for preventable diseases — like alcohol-related illnesses,
diabetes and liver disease — are three to five times higher
for Native Americans, who largely rely on those hospitals,
than for other races combined.
So the virus hit the Indian
Health Service and the people it is supposed to serve like a
freight train.
“It
started as a complete nightmare here,” said Frank Armao, the
chief medical officer at the Winslow Indian Health Care
Center in Arizona.
He
said the hospital struggled to obtain protective equipment
for its medical workers during the initial surge. The
hospital relied heavily on donations from outside groups and
nurses stitching together masks as patients began to flood
in.
“It
was absolute panic at first; everyone assumed N95s were
going to be forthcoming, and pretty quickly we realized
that, holy cow, the tribe doesn’t have the stockpiles they
were supposed to have,” Mr. Armao said.
He said 32 patients died at
the hospital. Most were the tribe’s older members, who were
in their 70s and had underlying conditions like diabetes and
heart disease. Many critically ill patients had to be
transferred to hospitals in Arizona and New Mexico because
the health care system was not equipped to treat them.
Image
Frank
Armao, the chief medical officer at the Winslow Indian
Health Care Center, with a patient at the hospital.
Thirty-two Covid-19 patients have died there.Credit...Sharon Chischilly for The New York Times
Image
Rear
Adm. Michael D. Weahkee, a member of the Zuni Tribe,
became the leader of the Indian Health Service in April
after serving in an interim capacity since 2015.Credit...Sarah Silbiger/Getty Images
Many of the service’s
hospitals lack the medical expertise and equipment to treat
patients with severe illness. The vacancy rate in the health
system for doctors in Navajo Nation is more than 25 percent;
for nurses, it is 40 percent.
Based
in Rockville, Md., the Indian Health Service, often referred
to as I.H.S., was created to carry out the government’s
treaty obligation to provide health care services to
eligible American Indians and Alaskan Natives. The tribes
agreed to exchange land and natural resources for health
care and other services from the U.S. government as part of
the Fort Laramie Treaty of 1868.
The
agency, which has 15,170 employees, most of whom work in the
hospitals and clinics, was without permanent leadership
until a few months into the pandemic. Rear Adm. Michael D.
Weahkee, a member of the Zuni Tribe, was confirmed by the
Senate in April after leading the agency on an interim basis
since 2015. Mr. Weahkee declined to comment for this
article.
CORONAVIRUS SCHOOLS BRIEFING:It’s back to
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The
system consists of 26 hospitals, 56 health centers and 32
health stations. The hospitals range in size from four beds
to 133. The Indian Health Service is broken into a dozen
service regions across the country, each one serving tribes
living in that area.
The
pandemic forced the agency to scramble.
“We
can get you N95s (they’re expired, but the C.D.C. and I.H.S.
say that they’re still OK to use),” an I.H.S. official wrote
in an email to tribal officials looking for protective
medical equipment.
“I
feel like it is common practice that we are always getting
the bottom of the barrel, the leftover,” said Esther Lucero,
the chief executive officer of the Seattle Indian Health
Board. At one point, she requested more coronavirus tests
and instead received body bags.
Even
before the pandemic, health problems were rampant in
communities served by the agency, meaning many people had
underlying conditions that would complicate treatment of the
virus. And the poverty on many reservations created an
additional problem.
At the Navajo Nation, which
includes parts of Arizona, New Mexico and Utah, many people
live in homes without electricity, and a third of the
population does not have running water. Many units house
more than one family, and it is not uncommon for
grandparents, parents and grandchildren to live under one
roof.
These
settings made it difficult to follow the main guidance from
the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to stop the
spread of the virus: frequent hand-washing, social
distancing and isolation in case of infection.
Many residents have spent
the past months rationing a limited supply of water,
prioritizing drinking water for themselves and livestock
over hand washing. That also means more than a third of
residents travel to the reservation’s most populous cities
and nearby border towns to buy water in bulk, potentially
exposing themselves and others to the virus.
Image
“We only have a
handful of health facilities, and some of them don’t even
have beds anymore,” said Jonathan Nez, the president of
Navajo Nation.Credit...Sharon
Chischilly for The New York Times
Image
“I don’t think
Indian Health Service was generally positioned to respond
to a pandemic nationally,” said Dr. Jill Jim, the Navajo
Nation health director.Credit...Sharon
Chischilly for The New York Times
“We’re
a sparsely populated area, so people have to travel miles to
get their health care,” said Jonathan Nez, the president of
the Navajo Nation. “It’s especially difficult if you don’t
have electricity or even water.”
But
those needs were not reflected in the health service’s
initial response.
The
small town of Kayenta, Ariz., was among the first on the
reservation to be hit by the pandemic. Ruth White, a
registered nurse with the Navajo Public Health Nursing
Program, said patients looking to be tested or seeking
treatment were being turned away if they did not have severe
symptoms. The public health nurses would try to track down
these patients and track their symptoms by phone. And at
times, nurses pooled together money to provide the patients
with masks, food and medication while they quarantined.
But
sometimes, it wasn’t enough, and patients died waiting for
medical treatment that never came.
“They
developed relationships, and as the patients got sicker and
sicker our staff would feel it, too,” Ms. White said, wiping
tears from her face. “Our staff felt like it was our fault.”
Philana Brown, a public
health nurse at the hospital in Kayenta, dealt with the
virus personally. Ms. Brown said that her brother’s
condition worsened after initially experiencing headaches,
and that he collapsed and died just as the ambulance arrived
at his home.
Ms. Brown later tested
positive for the virus but refused to be airlifted out,
fearing she might not make it back. Instead, she spent weeks
in an isolation room, sometimes with other patients.
Image
Philana
Brown, a public health nurse, delivering food and
supplies to a patient in Kayenta, Ariz. Ms. Brown tested
positive for the virus herself. Credit...Sharon Chischilly for The New York Times
Image
Betty
Bennett received food and supplies from public health
nurses near Kayenta, Ariz. Many homes in tribal
communities do not have electricity or running water.Credit...Sharon Chischilly for The New York Times
The
Navajo Nation is one of I.H.S.’s 12 service regions. The
federal agency runs 14 health care facilities on the
reservation. There are 222 hospital beds available to the
reservation’s more than 170,000 residents. (The agency says
the region also serves another 74,000 Native Americans who
live off the reservation.) That ratio of hospital beds to
population is about a third of the figure for the general
population in the United States.
“We
only have a handful of health facilities, and some of them
don’t even have beds anymore,” Mr. Nez said. “For a nation
that is the size of West Virginia to have only a handful of
hospitals is unacceptable.”
The
agency’s defenders say it has always been woefully
underfunded. They say Congress and previous presidential
administrations should shoulder just as much blame as
President Trump and the agency’s management for its current
shortcomings.
“I see members of Congress
eager to point the finger at Indian Health Service, and they
should be pointing the finger at themselves,” said Dr.
Donald Warne, the director of the Indians Into Medicine
program at the University of North Dakota School of Medicine
and Health Sciences.
In
2017, the Indian Health Service spent $3,332 per patient,
according to a report by the National Congress of American
Indians. By comparison, Medicare spent $12,829 per patient
that year, and Medicaid spent $7,789 per patient, the report
said.
After
a scandal in 2014 uncovered appalling patient care issues at
the hospitals of the Department of Veterans Affairs,
Congress and the Obama administration spent billions of
dollars to shorten wait times, fill provider gaps and
upgrade the medical facilities.
Native
Americans can only wish that sense of urgency be afforded to
the government-run hospitals that are supposed to serve
them.
Dr.
Jill Jim, the executive director of the Navajo Department of
Health, said officials in the Navajo Nation area of the
Indian Health Service responded to the best of their
abilities despite a lack of resources and expertise at the
headquarters level.
“I don’t think Indian Health
Service was generally positioned to respond to a pandemic
nationally,” she said. “They don’t have a public emergency
office, they don’t have dedicated staff that are hired for
public health emergencies.”
President
Trump is attempting to turn “law and order versus anarchy” into
an election issue that will distract voters from the White
House’s incompetence in dealing with Covid-19 and the economic
consequences of the pandemic, and provide cover for its
perpetuation of systemic racial injustice. He has sent armed
federal agents into majority-Democratic cities on the pretext of
quelling unrest stemming from Black Lives Matter protests. At
the same time, he appears to be encouraging his supporters to
sow chaos in Democratic cities in order to create an excuse for
redeploying federal forces and to reinforce fears of disorder.
Tuesday’s Debate Made Clear the Gravest Threat to
the Election: The President Himself
President Trump’s unwillingness to say he would abide by the
result and his disinformation campaign about election fraud went
beyond anything President Vladimir V. Putin could have imagined.
By David E. Sanger
NY Times, Sept. 30, 2020
President Trump’s angry insistence in the last minutes of
Tuesday’s debate that there was no way the presidential election
could be conducted without fraud amounted to an extraordinary
declaration by a sitting American president that he would try to
throw any outcome into the courts, Congress or the streets if he
was not re-elected.
His comments came after four years of debate about the
possibility of foreign interference in the 2020 election and how
to counter such disruptions. But they were a stark reminder that
the most direct threat to the electoral process now comes from
the president of the United States himself.
Mr. Trump’s unwillingness to say he would abide by the result,
and his disinformation campaign about the integrity of the
American electoral system, went beyond anything President
Vladimir V. Putin of Russia could have imagined. All Mr. Putin
has to do now is amplify the president’s message, which he has
already begun to do.
Everything Mr. Trump said in his face-off with Joseph R. Biden
Jr., the Democratic presidential nominee, he had already
delivered in recent weeks, in tweets and at rallies with his
faithful. But he had never before put it all together in front
of such a large audience as he did on Tuesday night.
The president began the debate with a declaration that balloting
already underway was “a fraud and a shame” and proof of “a
rigged election.”
It quickly became apparent that Mr. Trump was doing more than
simply trying to discredit the mail-in ballots that are being
used to ensure voters are not disenfranchised by a pandemic —
the same way of voting that five states have used for years with
minimal fraud.
He followed it by encouraging his supporters to “go into the
polls” and “watch very carefully,” which seemed to be code words
for a campaign of voter intimidation, aimed at those who brave
the coronavirus risks of voting in person.
And Mr. Trump’s declaration that the Supreme Court would have to
“look at the ballots” and that “we might not know for months
because these ballots are going to be all over” seemed to
suggest that he would try to place the election in the hands of
a court where he has been rushing to cement a conservative
majority with his nomination of Judge Amy Coney Barrett.
And if he cannot win there, he has already raised the
possibility of using the argument of a fraudulent election to
throw the decision to the House of Representatives, where he
believes he has an edge because every state delegation gets one
vote in resolving an election with no clear winner. At least for
now, 26 of those delegations have a majority of Republican
representatives.
Taken together, his attacks on the integrity of the coming
election suggested that a country that has successfully run
presidential elections since 1788 (a messy first experiment,
which stretched just under a month), through civil wars, world
wars and natural disasters now faces the gravest challenge in
its history to the way it chooses a leader and peacefully
transfers power.
“We have never heard a president deliberately cast doubt on an
election’s integrity this way a month before it happened,” said
Michael Beschloss, a presidential historian and the author of
“Presidents of War.” “This is the kind of thing we have preached
to other countries that they should not do. It reeks of
autocracy, not democracy.”
But what worried American intelligence and homeland security
officials, who have been assuring the public for months now that
an accurate, secure vote could happen, was that Mr. Trump’s rant
about a fraudulent vote may have been intended for more than
just a domestic audience.
They have been worried for some time that his warnings are a
signal to outside powers — chiefly the Russians — for their
disinformation campaigns, which have seized on his baseless
theme that the mail-in ballots are ridden with fraud. But what
concerns them the most is that over the next 34 days, the
country may begin to see disruptive cyberoperations, especially
ransomware, intended to create just enough chaos to prove the
president’s point.
Those who studied the 2016 election have seen this coming for a
long while and warned about the risk. The Republicans who led
Senate Intelligence Committee’s final report on that election
included a clear warning.
Brad Parscale steps away from the Trump campaign entirely after
episode involving law enforcement.
“Sitting officials and candidates should use the absolute
greatest amount of restraint and caution if they are considering
publicly calling the validity of an upcoming election into
question,” the report said, noting that doing so would only be
“exacerbating the already damaging messaging efforts of foreign
intelligence services.”
That has happened already. Representative Adam B. Schiff,
Democrat of California and the chairman of the House
Intelligence Committee, said in a recent interview he had asked
the intelligence agencies he oversees to look for examples of
the Russians picking up on Mr. Trump’s words.
“Sure enough, it wasn’t long before the intelligence community
started seeing exactly that,” Mr. Schiff said. “It was too
enticing and predictable an option for the Russians. They have
been amplifying Trump’s false attacks on absentee voting.”
What is striking is how Mr. Trump’s fundamental assessment that
the election would be fraudulent differed so sharply from that
of some of the officials he has appointed. It was only last week
that the director of the F.B.I., Christopher A. Wray, said his
agency had “not seen, historically, any kind of coordinated
national voter fraud effort in a major election, whether it’s by
mail or otherwise.”
Mr. Wray was immediately attacked by the White House chief of
staff, Mark Meadows. “With all due respect to Director Wray, he
has a hard time finding emails in his own F.B.I.”
Mr. Trump himself has provided no evidence to back up his
assertions, apart from citing a handful of Pennsylvania ballots
discarded in a dumpster — and immediately tracked down, and
counted, by election officials.
Meanwhile, the Department of Homeland Security and the F.B.I.
have been issuing warnings, as recently as 24 hours before the
debate, about the dangers of disinformation in what could be a
tumultuous time after the election.
“During the 2020 election season, foreign actors and
cybercriminals are spreading false and inconsistent information
through various online platforms in an attempt to manipulate
public opinion, discredit the electoral process and undermine
confidence in U.S. democratic institutions,” the agencies wrote
in a joint public service announcement.
It detailed the kind of data that could be leaked — mostly voter
registration details — and said the agencies “have no
information suggesting any cyberattack on U.S. election
infrastructure has prevented an election from occurring,
compromised the accuracy of voter registration information,
prevented a registered voter from casting a ballot, or
compromised the integrity of any ballots cast.”
When officials involved in those announcements were asked
whether Mr. Trump had different information, which would explain
his repeated attacks on the election system, they went silent.
They had little choice. It was apparent to them that the chief
disinformation source was their boss. And for that, they had no
playbook.
The
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has been with us since 1988, ever
since the largely ethnic Armenian population of this province of
the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic demanded a union with
Armenia. The ensuing war ended in 1994 with Nagorno-Karabakh and
some neighboring Azerbaijani territories under Armenian control
and nearly a million people as refugees. Ever since then, as
Azerbaijan has tried to retrieve the lost territories and the
occasional negotiations proving fruitless, there have been
periodic escalations of the conflict such as the Four-Day War of
2016, but never has the fighting reached the magnitude of the
fighting for the last couple of days, with hundreds of soldiers
(and many civilians) killed on each side. As nationalist
propaganda in both countries has reached a fever pitch and the
very little anti-war activity is not only drowned by vitriol but
punished with arrests, LeftEast is proud to share this statement
of young Azerbaijani leftists.
Trump's favourite tyrant al-Sisi of Egypt is working to unite Arab states against Turkey's military presence in northern Syria and in support of aiding Assad's genocidal regime to regain its seat in the Arab League. Campist mindf..k, not that anything's new here.
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW <h-review@...> Date: September 30, 2020 at 5:44:25 PM EDT To: h-review@... Cc: H-Net Staff <revhelp@...> Subject:H-Net Review [H-AmIndian]: Blanton on Cobb, 'The Archaeology of Southeastern Native American Landscapes of the Colonial Era' Reply-To: h-review@...
Charles R. Cobb. The Archaeology of Southeastern Native American Landscapes of the Colonial Era. Gainesville University Press of Florida, 2019. 286 pp. $90.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-8130-6619-6.
Reviewed by Dennis B. Blanton (James Madison University) Published on H-AmIndian (September, 2020) Commissioned by F. Evan Nooe
Blanton on Cobb, The Archaeology of Southeastern Native American Landscapes of the Colonial Era
The title of this book undersells the contents. Charles Cobb delivers the promised examination of southeastern Indigenous landscapes, to be sure, but he does so with an arresting authority derived from depth of research, ambitious scope, wide relevance, and erudition. Anthropologists, archaeologists, and historians with any measure of interest in Native North America will do themselves--and the topic--a disservice if they do not read and reflect upon what he has to say. If it achieves nothing else, the book provides context essential for understanding the contemporary Native American condition.
Chronologically speaking, this work is focused on the interval between the beginning of the sixteenth century and the close of the nineteenth century. Theoretically, the point of departure for Cobb's treatment of landscape is what he describes as neohistorical anthropology. Over the course of seven chapters, he revels in the complexity of the topic and gives explicit emphasis to historical heterogeneity and cultural plurality. The merit of the perspective is demonstrated by presentation of a series of what he refers to as microhistories that concern groups like the Cherokee, Chickasaw, Seminole, and Yamasee. The point is to demonstrate the essential place of cultural relativism in any full and meaningful accounting of Indigenous history. The author maintains success may be attained only by deconstructing the interbraided range of contingent experiences.
In these respects Cobb's is a distinctly bottom-up approach. Matters of power, authority, and sovereignty emerge as basic and enduring factors, but historically and geographically they tend to be expressed in unique and divergent ways. Thus, what we are implored to recognize and appreciate is the inherent diversity of Native experience. Still, the facts of myriad experiences also telegraph the persistent, unifying themes of innovation and creativity that account for adaptive successes and historical continuities.
Four "eventful dates" establish useful chronological guideposts in the analysis, beginning with the establishment of St. Augustine in 1565 and ending with events that followed the 1783 Treaty of Paris. Then, toward the end, the author reflects on the effects of four "pivot points." They represent bundles of related actions, driven by occurrences like epidemic disease and the deerskin trade, that explain fundamental changes, albeit unevenly.
Central to Cobb's analysis is the fact of population movement through the southeastern landscape. He reminds us that such events were not only common--and for a long time--but most importantly, that they were as intentional as they were forced. In this regard I found his discussion of _emplacement_, the social production of spaces and places, and _coalescence_, the successful and willful blending of disparate groups, especially enlightening.
What readers will not find in Cobb's book are easy answers. Very intentionally, he steers clear of positions that might be construed as "reductionist." Instead, he succeeds in the express goal of illuminating, via the lens of landscape, a history marked by healthy doses of both fluidity and persistence. The story is complicated and difficult, but it is also one of resilience and survival.
Citation: Dennis B. Blanton. Review of Cobb, Charles R., _The Archaeology of Southeastern Native American Landscapes of the Colonial Era_. H-AmIndian, H-Net Reviews. September, 2020. URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=55367
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License.
Although the
term “culture wars” did not get coined until 1991, when
sociologist James Davison Hunter came out with “Culture Wars:
The Struggle to Define America”, I’d argue that its origins were
in the Reagan presidency, when the right began to demonize the
left as intolerant and out of touch with the values of everyday
Americans. It is no surprise that the conflict was sharpest in
academia where newly tenured 60s radicals had the nerve to
defend Marxism in classrooms. While most of the fire was
directed at the Marxists, postmodernists took a beating for
their “relativism”.
Authors Robert A. Rosenstone and Kenneth Z. Chutchian will explore the life and legacy of one of America’s most important radicals, John Reed–author of Ten Days That Shook the World, the classic eyewitness account of the Bolshevik Revolution. In a session moderated by Scott Glidden, we will elaborate on his life, beliefs, career, and enduring importance in these troubled and chaotic times. Both of us are biographers of Reed – my Romantic Revolutionary was published in 1975 and Ken’s John Reed: Radical Journalist, 1887-1920, in 2019. Reed’s life was the subject of the film, Reds (1982), directed by Warren Beatty and winner of three Academy Awards.
Years before his experiences in the Russian Revolution, Reed was an editor of The Masses (the underground monthly of the vibrant Greenwich Village counter culture of artists and radicals), an honored poet, short story writer, and highly-paid journalist, famous for reports from labor conflicts, the Mexican Revolution, and both the Western and Eastern Fronts of World War One. In 1919 he helped to organize the Communist Labor Party of the United States, and his death in Russia of typhus came after he served as a delegate of that party to the Communist International.
We hope you join us for this event, as we share insights into the life of this often overlooked, but important poet, journalist, and romantic radical revolutionary.
"Jordan Peterson who embarrassed
himself in a
debate over Marxism with Slavoj Zizek, which is pretty hard to do."
To be fair, if it's the interview I saw they both embarrassed themselves . . .
My stepson had a brief interest in Jordan Peterson; he seems to appeal to young people who are wanting to engage critically with the world but hopefully most people move on from him. I was bracing myself for Peterson to demolish Zizek and that be the end of my stepson's interest in Marxism but my fear was unfounded. Peterson, who is, I think, quite intelligent and might even have something interesting to say if he stuck to what he knows, simply revealed a profound ignorance of Marx that even Zizek's incomprehensibility couldn't make look clever.
On Thu, Oct 1, 2020 at 5:24 AM Richard Modiano <richardmodiano@...> wrote:
A novelist who I correspond with (no longer) wrote a crack pot article about a self-invented "neo-Marxism" that I considered posting here for humor until it showed up on an IDW site. Glad I though better of it.
--
"All I ask of our brethren is that they take their feet off our necks."
Consider the source of the following--Joseph Kishore and "David North." Uh-kay? A pair of slippery characters. Nevertheless, and despite the conspiracist tone and rambling delivery, a summary of something that is on many people's minds as a matter of urgency. Note that Kishore and "North" wind up calling for a general strike as has Mark Lause here.
Could this come from the masses shadowing BLM as "allies'? Is there a cadre of young socialists not infected with the autonomist Mickey Rooney spirit among the protesters? It won't be the SEP who organize this.