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Re: Fascism, Trumpism, and the left | Louis Proyect: The Unrepentant Marxist

Andrew Stewart
 

In a high-minded civil debate, one is supposed to actually make one's points--if more or less pointedly, and maybe harshly at times-rather than claim that they are self-evident and require no defense.
Your supposition that we are engaged in such a debate is your first mistake. I'm sorry that I don't find this exercise of quasi-talmudic exegesis at all interesting. Here's what Gramsci wrote in 1917 <https://www.marxists.org/archive/gramsci/1917/12/revolution-against-capital.htm>:
The Bolshevik revolution is based more on ideology than actual events (therefore, at the end of the day, we really don’t need to know any more than we know already). It’s a revolution against Karl Marx’s Capital. In Russia, Marx’s Capital was the book of the bourgeoisie, more than of the proletariat. It was the crucial proof needed to show that, in Russia, there had to be a bourgeoisie, there had to be a capitalist era, there had to be a Western-style of progression, before the proletariat could even think about making a comeback, about their class demands, about revolution. Events overcame ideology. Events have blown out of the water all critical notions which stated Russia would have to develop according to the laws of historical materialism. The Bolsheviks renounce Karl Marx and they assert, through their clear statement of action, through what they have achieved, that the laws of historical materialism are not as set in stone, as one may think, or one may have thought previously.


China’s Engine of Environmental Collapse. | Louis Proyect: The Unrepentant Marxist

Louis Proyect
 

On August 19, 2019, I unfurled my degrowth banner in a CounterPunch article titled “Ecological Limits and the Working Class” and followed it up with a review of leading degrowth theorist Giorgos Kallis’s “Limits: Why Malthus Was Wrong and Why Environmentalists Should Care” just six months later. Having read dozens of articles on degrowth over the past two years, I have concluded that the most persuasive argument on its behalf is Richard Smith’s China’s Engine of Environmental Collapse. Although there are only a few pages that reference the term specifically, the entire 286 pages will leave you convinced that unless China (and the rest of the world) begin to respect ecological limits, civilization will succumb to a new Dark Ages.

The references to growth and degrowth occur in chapter seven, cryptically titled “Grabbing the Emergency Brake,” a reference to the epigraph to chapter six. The words are from Walter Benjamin’s unfinished Arcades Project: “Marx says that revolutions are the locomotives of world history. But the situation may be quite different. Perhaps revolutions are not the train ride, but the human race grabbing for the emergency brake.” With the title of Smith’s book referring to China’s “engine,” one might say that the emergency brake and degrowth are practically synonymous.

full: https://louisproyect.org/2020/10/16/chinas-engine-of-environmental-collapse/


Re: Fascism, Trumpism, and the left | Louis Proyect: The Unrepentant tMarxist

Michael Meeropol
 

I think this is my fifth for the day --- so it has to be my last ---

I am actually impressed by the discussion of "foundational documents" as it was developed (by all contributors) to compare the US to the British Parliamentary system.   It is certainly true that a bare parliamentary majority can change British society completely because (I think this is still true) there is no written constitution in Britain other than Acts of Parliament (and court precedent which can of course always be overruled by an ACT of Parliament).

In the US, though the written Constitution is supposed to govern (which is why AFTER winning the Civil War, the Republican dominated North had to amend the Constitution to first abolish slavery and THEN provide for full citizenship for former slaves --- and then for good measure ensured the right to vote --- ), it actually isn't as simple as that.

I still think Eric Foner's book THE STORY OF AMERICAN FREEDOM is a great guide to how "goals" which of course were just words in the Declaration of Independence and even the Bill of Rights had to be fought for --- It was the Wobblies of the early 20th century followed by the more establishment oriented ACLU that made the First Amendment into a REAL prohibition on suppression of Free Speech ---- It was the demonstrators in the South coupled with the rise of black voting in the North after the great migration that pressured the Supreme Court to overturn Plessy --- which of course had made a mockery of the 14th Amendment.

BUT --- the FACT that the 14th Amendment existed gave those who struggled to enforce it something tangible to hang their hats on ---

I do believe however -- that just as Courts ignored the evisceration of the 14th and 15th amendments after Reconstruction ended, it would be possible IN THE US --- despite our Constitution-- for a set of right wing Judges to create a "new constitutionality" for an AMerican version of fascism ---

[so there you have it --- I come back to my "one trick pony" which undoubtedly bores the shit out of many of my comrades on this list --- chalk it up to the droolings of a "senile citizen"!!}


On Fri, Oct 16, 2020 at 3:15 AM <fkalosar101@...> wrote:
Comrade Lause--delighted to see you being your inimitably grouchy and overbearing self.  Wouldn't have it any other way.

Stewart has a lot to say and says much of it very badly or without any real coherence at all.  When legitimately challenged or innocently questioned he resorts to personal abuse--"childish, inbred" etc. A little of that goes a long way.  Non est qualis erat, I suppose. 

His weird reply to my reference to New Labor suggests dementia. I've said everything to him that I consider worth saying. Poor man. There we all go sooner or later I suppose.  

However, to the extent that Stewart makes sense on this particular point, he is one of the "nobodies" who seem to regard foundation documents as inherently determining.  Not sure what is going on there, so won't belabor the point.  (Walt Whitman said we should "stand up for the stupid and crazy.")

Let me try to clarify my points for you and then try to indicate the relevance to the topic of this thread

1) My point re foundational documents, particularly constitutions, is that the rule frameworks they established do not determine the qualitative nature of the political arrangements that can happen under their alleged sway.  As rules  bodies, they are lifeless in themselves.  The "programs" they contain, so to speak, can be hacked to justify any result desired by--oh let's put on our kneebritches and talk 18th Century--"interested parties."  

2) The point about New Labor is that for all practical purposes the neoliberal political result under the so-called British constitution is the same as in the United States.  Formal rules, the British Constitution, immemorial tradition, and all the rest of it are irrelevant. This is quite obvious. I would like to say that I am surprised that some do not seem to "get' this very elementary fact, but alas that is not in the least surprising. 

To the extent that Andrew Stewart's argument on this point is coherent at all--which for the most part I do not think it is, though I am sure there must be matters on which he makes sense or used to make sense--the point seems to be that "parliamentary coalitions" caused fascism, which cannot happen in the United States because Federalist Papers 10.  Sorry, buddy--but that's what it boils down to.  

I've demonstrated that the first part of the proposition is historically false. As to the second part, the operation of the American ideology is not determined from time immemorial by the gefluegelte worte of the Floundering Bothers or anyone else.  The reproduction and adaptation of ideologies in history is a psychological and semantic, rather than a purely intellectual, process to which even the history of ideas and geistesgeschichte as such are not directly relevant. 

The documents are merely convenient bits and pieces available for the ready-made assembly process of ideological construction.  Ideology is continually renewed and reproduced, and its operations and effects are in many ways unconscious, even when it is itself remanufactured into "official" documents that form the "intellectual" justification for policies and party lines.

Tradition and national character do not in themselves exist--they are functions of social forces and exist in a semantic web, the functioning of which is largely unconscious.  If you are looking for the American Character as a really existing intentional object, so to speak, you are on a snipe hunt.  You might as well resort to some Tainian pseudo-scientific mumbojumbo about race, milieu, and moment.

It is helpful in dealing with these very basic matters to have some training in and understanding of criticism and the interpretation of texts.  Historians always seem to dismiss this as a load of unmanly affectation, which it isn't--although the insane pretentions of "deconstruction" etc. have gone far to discredit what is nonetheless a fundamental intellectual discipline, especially when allied with the study of literary history and, indeed, of history in general.  We ignore the semiotic at our peril, as infuriating as the currents of intellectual reaction surrounding Derrda etc. have been. 



Re: Christian professors try to reconcile abortion views with disdain for Trump

Michael Meeropol
 

Remember the great Barney Frank quip --- "For too many so-called Christians, life begins at conception and ends at birth!"


Re: After The Donald, The Deluge? - CounterPunch.org

Michael Meeropol
 

I propose that we save the "President Biden will fail" discussions till we know Trump has not succeeded in facilitating a coup d'etat --- don't you think?


Like Gorbachev, Louis XVI and Nicholas II, President Biden will disappoint at the worst possible time.

https://www.counterpunch.org/2020/10/16/after-the-donald-the-deluge/


The Untold Story of the Left in Indian Science | Prabir Purkayastha | Peoples Democracy

Kevin Lindemann and Cathy Campo
 

https://peoplesdemocracy.in/2020/1018_pd/untold-story-left-indian-science

The Untold Story of the Left in Indian Science 

By Prabir Purkayastha

THE story of Indian science generally focuses on Nehru and the scientific institutions that were built to help India industrialise. This story is incomplete, as it does not take into account the contributions of the Indian Left scientists, such as Meghnad Saha, Sahib Singh Sokhey, Syed Husain Zaheer, as well as internationalist Left like J D Bernal and J B S Haldane, who are very much at the core of this story.

Science in India was anchored in a vision of science that a modern nation could only be built by combining scientific outlook – what Nehru called ‘scientific temper’ – with planning science, technology and the economy, and a significant role for the State. While this may be common place view today, that science itself can be planned was completely heretical in the scientific community before the Second World War. The 1917 revolution, its  planned industrial development harnessing science, and building a modern nation was anathema to the established order in the scientific community. The Soviet delegation to the 1931 International History of Science in London, led by Bukharin, provided a glimpse of what a different vision of science in society could be. A set of brilliant, young British scientists – J D Bernal, J B S Haldane, Joseph Needham, Lancelot Hogben – were inspired by the Soviet papers. This led to Bernal’s famous work, The Social Function of Science, the formation of science and society movement, and the unionising of scientists as scientific workers.

After the Second World War, the science movement gave rise to the World Federation of Scientific Workers, and also became an important component of the global peace movement – the World Peace Council. Bernal and Haldane had close connections to Indian science subsequently, while Needham worked, with his Chinese colleagues, on the monumental 16 volume history of Science and Civilisation in China. All three were members of the Communist Party of Great Britain.

In Calcutta, a young group of scientists with Meghnad Saha were similarly engaged in the 1930s on science, planning and the socialist experiment in Soviet Union. It was Meghnad Saha who influenced Subhash Chandra Bose, when he became the president of the Indian National Congress, to set up a Planning Committee. The Planning Committee was set up by Bose under Nehru’s leadership and created the outline of the plan for India’s industrialisation and building the science and technology institutions.  It became, after India’s independence, the Planning Commission, and provided the basis for expanding Indian science and technology infrastructure. The expansion of CSIR laboratories, atomic energy, space, and educational institutions, including the IITs were an outcome of this vision of planning and the importance of science for a self-reliant India.

Nehru was aware that if India had to industrialise, the State had not only to play an active role in the economy, but to also build the scientific institutions that could support such a path. In his search for building scientific institutions, he invited Bernal to India a number of times. The geneticist, J BS Haldane settled down in India, even taking Indian citizenship. Haldane could not negotiate India’s bureaucratic science establishment, and told Nehru that Central Scientific and Industrial Research should be renamed as Centre for Suppression of Independent Research (S Irfan Habib, ‘Legacy of the Freedom Struggle: Nehru's Scientific and Cultural Vision’, Social Scientist, March-April, 2016).

A number of scientists in India, such as Meghnad Saha, Husain Zaheer, Sahab Singh Sokhey, were not only the founders of Indian science, but were also close to the Communist Party of India. They were included in the roll of honour of American scholars, as “fellow travellers”, a term that became “popular” in the infamous McCarthy Era. Meghnad Saha along with Homi Bhabha, laid the foundation for nuclear physics in the country, and Husain Zaheer as director general of CSIR, expanded it significantly.

Sokhey was appointed as the first Indian director of the Haffkine Institute in 1932. Even though he was a colonel in the British Indian Army, he headed the health section of the Planning Committee of the Indian National Congress. After independence, Sokhey laid the foundation of two public sector units that began India’s journey towards self-reliance – Indian Drugs & Pharmaceuticals Ltd (IDPL) and Hindustan Antibiotics Ltd (HAL).  He also became president of the All India Peace Council, a part of the World Peace Council, and later on, the president of the Association of Scientific Workers of India (ASWI), the Indian affiliate of the World Federation of Scientific Workers. Jawaharlal Nehru was the first president of the ASWI in 1947.

Joseph Needham chaired the International Scientific Commission for the Investigations of the Bacterial Warfare in Korea and China that indicted the US for war crimes in its 1952 Report. Sokhey had agreed to join the commission, but the Government of India asked him not to. For a long time, the US denied that it had carried out attacks with bio-weapons against the Koreans and the Chinese. The US archives now confirm many of the events that the Needham Commission had described. Even more damning is the archival information now public that the Japanese Unit 731 had practiced biological warfare experiments on Chinese and Allied Prisoners of War, killing 3,000. The unit’s leaders were provided full protection against war crimes by the US in lieu of turning over all their “research” to the US. It is their “research” that kick-started the infamous bio-weapons research centre, Fort Detrick.

The Left’s contribution to India’s science infrastructure after independence was not simply expanding science and research institutions, but also to fight for self-reliance. This did not happen without a bitter battle against deeply entrenched interests of multinationals, and the colonised mindset of a number of scientists and political leaders, a battle that continues.

It is not possible in one article to cover this larger story of the Left and its contributions to Indian science and technology. I will pick out just one area – the pharmaceutical industry – to bring out certain aspects of this story. One is the role played by the Left in building science institutions, and integrating them in the larger battle of self-reliance and building a scientific outlook. The other is their contributions in advancing science itself. This story is told in much greater details in the recent LeftWord publication, Political Journeys in Health, Essays by and for Amit Sengupta.

When the British left, the pharmaceutical industry was completely in the hands of British capital, who produced the active pharmaceutical ingredient (API) in UK, and only packaged it here for sale. While there were small Indian pharma companies in India, they lacked the backing of scientific research, and how to fight the legal monopoly that the British era Indian Patent Law provided to the multinationals.

This was a two-pronged battle, a battle to change the Patent laws to serve the interests of the Indian people; the other, building the scientific infrastructure and know-how required by the indigenous drug industry. We have covered the patent story and the role of the Left in these columns earlier, so we will talk about its scientific contributions here.

Sahib Singh Sokhey as the first Indian director of the Haffkine Institute converted it from what was a cottage industry for producing vaccines into a fully modern facility. It is this core team that later provided the ability to India’s fledgling public sector units set up with Soviet and WHO help – HAL and IDPL. Again it was the CSIR infrastructure, created under the leadership of Husain Zaheer, Nityanand, director of the Central Drug Research Institute, Lucknow, and the National Chemical Laboratories, Pune that made it possible for the Indian drug industry to break the stranglehold of the global MNC’s in the Indian market. And finally, it is the major contributions of P M Bhargava and his leadership of the Centre for Cellular & Molecular Biology (CCMB), Hyderabad that provided a firm basis to India’s biologic revolution in medicines. Today, India is the largest manufacturer of generic drugs and vaccines in the world, thanks to the foundations laid by these Indian scientists.

We still continue to face the hegemony of a hierarchic, caste-based brahmanical order that wants no questioning of the old but complete obedience to the scriptures, and the existing order. Critical thinking and raising questions is seditious, whether it was for the old colonial masters, or the current political party in power. Science and critical reason have to be combined with popular movements, this is the story of the peoples science movement. In the current climate of unreason, hate and divisive social forces, science and reason are also weapons of struggle. We will leave that story, as also many others, for another day.




Christian professors try to reconcile abortion views with disdain for Trump

Louis Proyect
 


Right-Wing Trolls Attacked Me. My Administration Buckled.

Louis Proyect
 


troll-full-bleed.jpg

Right-Wing Trolls Attacked Me. My Administration Buckled.

On the cravenness and cowardice of the corporate university.

They were warned.

As soon as I saw the September 28 email from the Campus Reform reporter writing to ask about my tweets, I forwarded the inquiry up my college administration’s chain of command to let them know what might be coming their way.

I wasn’t sure if my dean had ever heard of Campus Reform, so I explained their place in the right-wing, astroturfed-outrage ecosystem, where dark-money donors pay student stringers small bounties for tips about “liberal professors.” I told my dean that I was probably on the Campus Reform radar screen because I had recently published an article in Slate that was critical of the president’s “patriotic education” initiative.

“Here’s what we could probably expect,” I wrote to my dean. “Around 100 hateful emails, plus or minus, to my work email account; some outcry on social media that Collin College should fire me; perhaps some emails to [H. Neil] Matkin [the college president] or other college administrators. And after a couple of weeks,” I said, “this will blow over and there will be a new liberal professor for them to target.”

My warning was prescient, but my timing was off by a week.

Instead of writing a story about how I responded on Twitter to Herman Cain’s needless demise by explaining what it means to say that Donald Trump is the head of a death cult — that’s what the reporter had originally contacted me about — she waited a little over a week before emailing me again about a different set of tweets. During the October 7 vice-presidential debate, I had posted that Mike Pence, who refused to stick to his allotted time, should “shut his little demon mouth.”

The aspiring muckraker’s shocking exposé revealing that college professors had mean and snarky things to say on Twitter about the vice president appeared on the Campus Reform website on the morning of October 8 and was picked up, slightly reworked, on the Fox News website a little after 5 p.m., central time, on Friday, October 9.

I received my first irate email from a stranger at 5:43 p.m. For the rest of the weekend, without ceasing, on my social-media accounts and through my work-email inbox, I was inundated by scores of obscene, vulgar, sexually explicit expressions of puerile rage. Apparently the injunction not to be a potty mouth during one’s free time applies only to professors. Everyone else gets to cut loose with the C-word, the F-word, the B-word, a few vaguely veiled threats, some scatological pronouncements, and several all-caps rants about the creeping fascism of commie, Nazi professors like me, who should be fired, or leave America, or be thrown in prison, or killed like a pig.

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I spent the weekend reporting harassing tweets, blocking trolls, and trying to figure out if some of the more menacing or enraged messages I received were from anyone who lived nearby or might pose a credible threat to my well-being. That’s how I learned, via some simple internet sleuthing, that a truly infamous writer of profanity-filled all-caps emails — a person who goes by the moniker of “Dame Jo the Queen of Troll” — is actually a 73-year-old woman who lives about 20 minutes away from me and has chosen to spend the gentle twilight years of her life threatening and abusing journalists and scholars on the internet.

I replied to a few of these malevolent missives, copying Matkin, my college president. I wanted him to see for himself the bilious vitriol that was flooding my work inbox, and to see how I was dealing with the nonsense and the noise.

And keep in mind: The abuse and rage directed at me was nothing compared to the disgustingly racist, body-shaming, malevolent messages coming in to two other female scholars profiled in the Fox News piece, Sami Schalk and Sirry Alang. That’s because, while it’s hard out here for a cis white woman who dares to say things on the internet, it’s positively toxic out here for Black women who simply dare to exist in the world.

In any case, I wanted my president to see what was happening to me, a valued member, I supposed, of the Collin College community.

And so my weekend went, and Monday came around, and I was grateful for its coming. I expected that a college administrator, perhaps even the president himself, would be reaching out to me to check in.

Well, the college president did reach out to me, though not personally or privately. Instead, he sent an all-faculty email that went out to every full-timer and every current and recent adjunct of the school — maybe 900 people? A thousand people? I don’t know; it’s a big mailing list. He said that because one faculty member “chose to post some political and other statements on her social-media accounts” — as if that’s verboten — the college was now at the center of a social-media firestorm. While most messages coming in were demanding that my college fire me, Matkin said that “a handful” of emails called on the college “to uphold ‘academic freedom’ and ‘free speech.’” The scare quotes around those two terms are hardly inspiring.

In this all-faculty email, the president promised that “the college’s execution of its personnel policies will not be played out in a public manner.” Then he shared the text of a public statement to be posted prominently on the college website that read very much like an execution of personnel policies, or at least of personnel character. Here’s a brief sample of how the college president framed the egregious damage done by my “hateful, vile, and ill-considered” tweets:

While this instance of unfortunate speech may be protected, incendiary comments such as these do not best serve our community, nor do they advance any positive solution. Hate and profanity are never welcome, especially during this time when we, as Americans, are searching for the best path forward for our Nation. Such comments make it that much more difficult for all who hold diverse views to come together, as our country so desperately needs. Notably, these comments are a setback to the hard work and dedication of our campus community and all that Collin College has achieved this year.
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You can read the statement here for yourself. But TL;DR: He threw me under the bus. The college president’s official response to illiberal calls demanding that the administration and the board engage in cancel culture and punish my exercise of free speech by firing me — including, apparently, calls from government officials demanding that I be punished for exercising my First Amendment freedoms (is that even legal?) — was to malign not just my writing but my character. I was stunned.

But I should not have been surprised. For I, too, had been warned.

How to Tame an Internet
                            Troll 1
GEOFFREY MOSS FOR THE CHRONICLE

I have been studying and writing about well-funded right-wing propaganda operations aimed at delegitimizing and defunding higher education for years. I’m writing a book about it. I have also been studying the rise of the corporatized academy, a phenomenon made freshly visible to me when my own college president kicked off this academic year with a video sharing his strategic vision for the “Amazonification” of the school.

So I should not have been surprised that my own college president did not treat me like a respected scholar or a supportive colleague or a beloved and outstanding teacher. Instead, he treated me like a public-relations / customer-complaint problem to be solved and silenced by an all-faculty email and a mob-appeasing statement seemingly designed to have a chilling effect on the free expression of any other professor who might so much as think of offering a mildly controversial or mildly snarky opinion in the public sphere.

My college president was probably not expecting me to hit “Reply All” to his email within 10 minutes of having received it. I guess he doesn’t know me very well.

I spoke up for myself, for the expectation that I would be treated with some minimal courtesy and professionalism by my employer, rather than being made an example of before my colleagues. And I spoke up too for my colleagues, because so many professors at my school are absolutely terrified to speak up on their own behalf. Can’t imagine why.

In any case, my college administrators were warned of what would come when Campus Reform came calling, and I was warned, and now I will warn you — warn you, and call you to courage.

First, the warning: What happened to me can happen to any of us. It doesn’t matter if you’re on Twitter or not. Any email, any recorded lecture, any live lecture that is surreptitiously recorded by a student, any donation to a political cause or a political party, any public comment or remark you make in any place, at any time, on any medium — any of those things can be distorted by the industrial engines of mass-produced, culture-wars outrage and turn you into the villainous professor du jour. This is the model: isolate, attack, destroy, and then move on to the next professor. The paid provocateurs will leave it to your institution, already trembling before the menacing hand of the market, to do the mop-up job.

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Maybe your institution will stand by you. Maybe your institution will be as clear on your fundamental right to free expression as the University of Wisconsin at Madison has been in the case of Sami Schalk, who was profiled in the same Campus Reform article with me. She has been facing extraordinarily vicious public attacks, but at least her university did not add fuel to the fire by opining on the content of her remarks or offering up a show of indignation and outrage. When Campus Reform contacted the school for comments about Schalk’s statements, Wisconsin simply said this: “When students, faculty, and staff exercise their First Amendment rights to express opinions, they are speaking for themselves, not the university.”

But here’s the thing: Even if your institution won’t stand by or stand up for you, we will. All across this country, as our institutional affiliations and identities are dissolved in the acid bath of the “Amazonification” of higher education, we are unmoored from what used to be stronger bonds of mutuality between scholars and their schools. But as we drift away from the wreckage, bobbing among the broken flotsam and shattered remnants of shared governance, we drift toward one another.

We must become an institution to each other. Not because that’s how things ought to be, but because that’s where we are. We who have come to know one another through professional organizations or Twitter conversations or conference panels or research fellowships or Facebook pages or blogs are a growing band, and we should band together.

We may not be able to count on our institutions, but we must be able to count on one another.


The Revolutionary Beethoven - CounterPunch.org

Louis Proyect
 


After The Donald, The Deluge? - CounterPunch.org

Louis Proyect
 


Like Gorbachev, Louis XVI and Nicholas II, President Biden will disappoint at the worst possible time.

https://www.counterpunch.org/2020/10/16/after-the-donald-the-deluge/


Based in Empire

Ron Jacobs
 


The Tragedy of Stanley Crouch - CounterPunch.org

Louis Proyect
 

By Ishmael Reed.

I had some enjoyable encounters with Stanley Crouch. He was smart and witty. His humor dark and droll. But there was something wrong with Stanley in the head. Something that his groupies in their eulogies ignore. These were white groupies whose relationship to Stanley was like that between Jim and Huckleberry Finn. Stanley seemed to be constantly searching for someone who would do him great physical harm. As long as Stanley bullied Black people, his Neo-Con supporters in admiration called him “pugnacious,” but when he slapped Dale Peck, a white book reviewer, a backlash set in. His supporters also ignore the fact that Stanley was a poor gladiator, the quality that his white fans seemed too admire above all. He got punched out from time to time. Badly. Quincy Troupe, with whom he feuded, knocked him out. The writer for Mother Jones talked about his relationship with Amiri Baraka. What he left out was Crouch, a heavyweight at the time, threatened Amiri Baraka, a lightweight, in The Village Voice. He had signed up to be the enforcer of those Black writers whom the establishment considered, “Troublemakers.” I remember him threatening me. After the incident, we were still in contact. But I never will forget the incident and I’m still angry about it.

https://www.counterpunch.org/2020/10/16/the-tragedy-of-stanley-crouch/


The New Heimish Populism

Louis Proyect
 

More than any other American president, Trump has won widespread adoration in Orthodox communities. At the grassroots level, this enthusiasm has taken unprecedented forms: a Hasidic singer penning a Yiddish ode to Trump, a synagogue serving whiskey and cake to celebrate the president’s birthday, sleepaway camps hosting Trump impersonators. In August, the Orthodox pop star Yaakov Shwekey reworked his hit song “We Are A Miracle,” a schmaltzy ode to Jewish resilience in the face of oppression from ancient Egypt to the present, into “We Love America,” a pro-Trump anthem. (The new lyrics, Shwekey told the Haredi web outlet Vos Iz Neias?, had been written for a Trump campaign fundraiser early that summer at the New Jersey home of the late Stanley Chera—a Trump donor and friend of the president who died of Covid-19 in April.) And across Orthodox media, coverage of Trump tends to be fawning. Last November, a headline in the glossy Orthodox weekly Mishpacha proclaimed Trump “the first heimish president.” The literal meaning of the Yiddish word “heimish” is “homey.” But in the colloquial speech of Orthodox communities in the US, it has come to mean something like “one of us.”

https://jewishcurrents.org/the-new-heimish-populism/?fbclid=IwAR0KB7QQqawc9xfNgRGBGWk8A6nzHHLmuTaLWWXckgZkIBeE8Wiz31chWwU


'The Democratic party left us': how rural Minnesota is making the switch to Trump | US elections 2020 | The Guardian

Louis Proyect
 

A report from the Iron Range, which went for Trump in 2016. Formerly pro-DP Mayors tell the Guardian that they are not happy with the "socialism" stuff the DP is associated with and its failure to close the borders. In Les Evens's memoir, he is candid about the reactionary attitudes of the miners on the Iron Range. I am not surprised by this at all. Les was one of a small group attempting to "colonize" the Iron Range when the SWP had convinced itself that workers in such places were ready to join a group supporting the takeover of the American embassy in Iran. Down in West Virginia, a comrade named Sarah Johnstone had a job in a factory where she used to sell the Militant that had pro-Iran headlines splashed across the front page. She barely missed a cinder block thrown at her from an upper level of the factory floor.

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2020/oct/16/minnesota-democrat-switch-trump-election


Farmers and Meatpackers Are Teaming Up - OtherWords

Louis Proyect
 

During the pandemic and recession, farmers are realizing they have more in common with immigrant meatpackers than agribusiness CEOs.

https://otherwords.org/farmers-and-meatpackers-are-teaming-up-for-pandemic-safety/


Africa’s largest dam powers,dreams of prosperity in Ethiopia —,and fears of hunger in Egypt

Louis Proyect
 

Africa’s largest dam powers
dreams of prosperity in Ethiopia —
and fears of hunger in Egypt

As the reservoir fills on the Blue Nile, people in both
countries are preparing for changes the dam may bring

MarchSeptember
Washington Post, Updated Oct. 15 at 1:29 p.m.
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A colossal dam is near completion on Ethiopia’s stretch of the Nile, a project so large that it promises to set the country on a path to industrialization that could lift tens of millions out of poverty.

Downstream in Egypt, where the Nile meets the sea, a starkly different picture emerges: The dam is a giant, menacing barrier that could be used to hold back the source of nearly all the country’s water.

The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam has stoked intense nationalistic fervor in both Ethiopia and Egypt. Ethiopians see building the dam as a fundamental right, one that could bring electricity to the more than half of Ethiopians who don’t have access at home. Egyptians see their fate potentially falling into foreign hands.

The
            Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, a 1.1-mile-long concrete
            colossus, is set to become the largest hydropower plant in
            Africa.
            Across Ethiopia, poor farmers and rich business executives
            alike eagerly await the 5 gigawatts of electricity officials
            say the dam will ultimately provide. Yet as thousands of
            workers toil day and night to finish the project, Ethiopian
            negotiators remain locked in talks over how the dam will
            affect downstream neighbors, principally Egypt. (Eduardo
            Soteras/AFP/Getty Images)
The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, a 1.1-mile-long concrete colossus, is set to become the largest hydropower plant in Africa. Across Ethiopia, poor farmers and rich business executives alike eagerly await the 5 gigawatts of electricity officials say the dam will ultimately provide. Yet as thousands of workers toil day and night to finish the project, Ethiopian negotiators remain locked in talks over how the dam will affect downstream neighbors, principally Egypt. (Eduardo Soteras/AFP/Getty Images)

The two countries — as well as Sudan, also heavily dependent on Nile water from Ethiopia — have tried in vain for years to forge a deal on how quickly the dam’s reservoir should be filled. Egypt, anticipating droughts, has demanded that it be filled slowly, over more than a decade. Ethiopia, which built the dam largely with its own money, wants the reservoir full and generating the maximum electricity as soon as the dam is complete — scheduled now for 2023.

With or without an agreement, the dam is an imminent reality, and people in both countries are preparing for what it may bring.

“Having seen it all,” said Moges Alemu, 84, a factory owner who in a bygone era was Emperor Haile Selassie’s flight technician, “I can say there has never been anything as highly anticipated in this country as the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam.”

Alemu invested $2 million in expanding his oxygen and nitrogen gas factory in anticipation of more- reliable electricity. In Egypt, where water scarcity already is a problem, farmers are moving away from water-intensive crops such as rice.

“Everyone is worried about the dam, not just me,” said Mohamed Abdelkhaleq, 69, a lifelong farmer in Egypt’s Nile Delta, where two-thirds of the country’s food is grown.

Even without the dam, many of the delta’s irrigation canals are running dry. A multitude of factors including climate change, poor maintenance, mismanagement and illegal water siphoning have dehydrated the already thirsty country. The U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization says temperatures in some parts of Egypt are expected to rise between 1.8 and 3.6 degrees Celsius over the next century, requiring more water to grow crops as evaporation in the Nile and its canals increases.

Further water shortages and their effect on agriculture could have dire consequences for Egypt’s 100 million people — a population that now grows by 2 million per year.

“If the water becomes even less, we would not be able to plant anything. We would not be able to feed our animals,” said Abdelkhaleq. “I pray to God that this never happens.”

locator mapPopulatin density

Lake

Turkana

KENYA

UGANDA

Nagele

KENYA

ETHIOPIA

Nile basin boundary

Arba Minch

ETHIOPIA

Dila

Juba

Goba

Sodo

SOUTH

SUDAN

Bor

Jima

Adama

SOUTH SUDAN

Addis Ababa

Dire Dawa

ETHIOPIA

Debre Birhan

Sudd

Dembi Dolo

Nekemte

Wetlands

Gimbi

Nasir

Miniji

Yibiza

DJIB.

Asosa

Malakal

ETHIOPIA

SOUTH SUDAN

Grand Ethiopian

Renaissance

Dam

Bahir

Dar

SUDAN

Melut

Lake

Tana

Gonder

ETHIOPIA

SUDAN

Mekele

ETHIOPIA

ERITREA

Aksum

Kosti

Gedaref

Sennar

El Obeid

Asmara

Ed Dueim

Medani

El Gezira

Irrigation

System

Kassala

Gash

Delta

Spate

Irrigation

System

SUDAN

ERITREA

ERITREA

SUDAN

Khartoum

Shendi

Red

Sea

100 MILES

Nile basin boundary

Haiya

Atbara

Berber

Port Sudan

Merowe

Dam

Merowe

SUDAN

Dongola

Mecca

Jiddah

Kerma

Jabal al

Abyad

Plateau

Nubian

Desert

SUDAN

EGYPT

Wadi Halfa

Tropic of Cancer

Lake

Nasser

Aswan High Dam

Aswan Low Dam

Arabian

Peninsula

Kom Ombo

Red

Sea

EGYPT

Esna

Luxor

Jilf al Kabīr

Plateau

El Kharga

Qena

Bur Safaga

El Qasr

Girga

Sohag

Hurghada

Eastern

Desert

SAUDI

ARABIA

Asyut

Tabuk

El Tur

Mallawi

Qasr Farafra

El Minya

Samalut

Beni Mazar

Western

Desert

Al Aqaba

Sinai

Peninsula

Beni Suef

JORDAN

El Faiyum

Negev

Desert

EGYPT

LIBYA

Suez

EGYPT

El Giza

Nile basin boundary

Cairo

ISRAEL

Ismailia

El Arish

Qattara

Depression

Siwa

Dead

Sea

Kafr Ziyada

Amman

Jerusalem

Bur Said

Dumyat

Tel Aviv

Alexandria

Rashid

LIBYA

Libyan

Plateau

SYRIA

Haifa

Mediterranean Sea

Matruh

Damascus

The dam spans the Nile’s mightiest tributary — the Blue Nile, or Abay, as it is known to Ethiopians. More than 90 percent of the water that flows into Egypt originates in Ethiopia’s highlands, where gushing waterfalls feed the swift, canyon-carving river.

When completed, the dam will be the 10th largest in the world and will have 13 turbines that could produce 5 gigawatts of electricity — 2½ times as much as Hoover Dam.

The river flows over the dam and into the plains of Sudan, where it provides nearly every drop of irrigation water and more than half of the country’s electricity.

In Sudan’s capital, Khartoum, the Blue Nile merges with the White Nile, a snaking river that has passed through the swamps of South Sudan, where much of it evaporates.

Blue and White together form the Upper Nile, the mighty, desert-cleaving waterway that gave birth to ancient kingdoms such as Kush and Pharaonic Egypt.

Finally, the Nile reaches Egypt. After passing through Egypt’s own enormous dam at Aswan — only half as powerful as Ethiopia’s — the waters nourish 800 miles of densely populated farmland studded with large market towns. Ninety-five percent of Egyptians live along the Nile or in its delta.

At the megalopolis of Cairo, the river begins to fan out into a giant delta, a historically fertile region woven with canals, where the effects of mismanagement, sharply rising populations and climate change-induced water shortages are becoming frighteningly visible.

Talks to hash out a deal among the three countries have faltered.

President Trump, fashioning himself as a broker of an agreement, has taken the side of Egyptian President Abdel Fatah al-Sissi, whom he once called his “favorite dictator.” In a statement, a spokesman for the State Department said it had withheld $264 million in security and development assistance from Ethiopia — more than double what has been previously reported — “due to Ethiopia’s unilateral decision to fill the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) without an agreement with Egypt and Sudan.” He spoke on the condition of anonymity according to State Department protocols.

Analysts say Washington and Cairo have little leverage over Addis Ababa. Egypt probably would bear the brunt of consequences should an agreement on the dam’s management not be reached.

“Egypt and the United States seem to be saying: Comply, submit, or there will be trouble,” said Jason Mosley, a peace and security analyst focusing on the Horn of Africa at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. “There’s not much road left on that track. The dam is already built, the reservoir being filled.”

Meanwhile, Ethiopian politicians and business executives wax poetic at any mention of the dam — the prime minister’s spokeswoman even wrote a poem about it. It has been the subject of a song by Ethiopia’s most popular pop singer, viral hashtags, spontaneous flag-waiving marches in the streets and proclamations by the patriarch of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. Support for it unites people between whom there are otherwise unbridgeable political and ethnic rivalries. To many, the dam isn’t just about electricity, but a portent of a glorious future.

“Mothers who’ve given birth in the dark, girls who fetch wood for fire instead of going to school — we’ve waited so many years for this — centuries,” said Filsan Abdi, the 28-year-old minister for women and children. “When we say that Ethiopia will be a beacon of prosperity, well, it starts here.”

Thousands of miles downriver in the Nile Delta, on a farm near the edge of the Sahara desert, Mohamed Abdelkhaleq looked over what was once a field green with rice.

Rice had given him prosperity: a three-story house that provides a home for his eight children and 20 grandchildren. Over two centuries in the rice-growing business, his family had acquired such wealth that they would hire helicopters to plant the seeds and spread pesticides.

“We planted as much rice as we wanted,” he recalled with a wistful smile. Now he and others in the village of Kafr Ziyada grow only enough to feed their families.

Farmers in Kom Hamada return home for a midday break
              after tending to their fields. They will return later in
              the day to continue working. (Sima Diab for The Washington
              Post)

LEFT: Water from the Nile that irrigates some of the farms at Kom Hamada, a village 62 miles north of Cairo in Egypt’s fertile Delta region. Kom Hamada is one of many villages in the region that have seen a decrease in water from the river. Farmers fear that if the Renaissance Dam is completed in Ethiopia, their livelihoods will be greatly affected. RIGHT: Farmers in Kom Hamada return home for a midday break after tending to their fields. They will return later in the day to continue working. (Sima Diab for The Washington Post)

Growing water shortages triggered by climate change and population growth have altered their life of growing rice, a water-intensive crop. Two years ago, Egypt reduced the area used for rice production by more than a half, from 1.76 million acres to 750,000, in an effort to save 3 billion cubic meters of water. At the time, the country’s irrigation minister insisted to pro-government media that the measures were unrelated to concerns over the Ethiopia dam.

But now, as the dam fills, farmers fear that even the rice they subsist on is under threat. Rice farming remains heavily restricted, and Abdelkhaleq has already had to pay a $600 fine for over-planting. Irrigation Ministry officials enforce a rule that limits farmers to four days of water at a time from canals, followed by at least two weeks without, the strictest rationing in years, farmers say.

“They are rationing the water because the Nile’s waters are already down,” said Ali Mohamed, 42, Abdelkhaleq’s son. “It’s lower this year, and every year is less and less.”

He blamed the dam, but Mostafa al-Naggari, head of the rice committee of Egypt’s Agriculture Export Council, said the current rice production restrictions are primarily driven by the need to satisfy the growing population’s demand for water and meet national development goals.

Mohamed Abdelkhaleq, 69, a farmer from Kom Hamada, a village 62 miles north of Cairo in Egypt’s fertile Delta region, poses for a portrait on his farm. (Sima Diab for The Washington Post)

Egypt’s politicians and pundits have jumped at the chance to portray Ethiopia as the cause of this crisis, accusing Addis Ababa of negotiating in bad faith on filling the reservoir and in turn threatening to plunge millions of Egyptians into darkness and poverty. That rhetoric is popularized on talk shows in hyper-nationalist terms.

“This is our right,” said Ahmed Mousa, one influential TV personality. “No one treats Egypt this way.”

Whether the dam will contribute to water shortages in Egypt is largely a function of the eventual water-sharing agreement that Egypt, Sudan and Ethiopia sign.

“It all comes down to how much water Ethiopia will agree to release during and after a drought,” said Kevin Wheeler, a hydrologist at Oxford University who has co-written multiple papers on the dam. “During the onset of a drought, Ethiopia will decide whether to continue releasing water at the same rate, thus continuing to generate power and provide downstream countries with water, or else fill its reservoir to ensure longer-term energy production.”

Ethiopia’s prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, sought to assuage Egyptian concerns in his speech at this year’s U.N. General Assembly. “I want to make it abundantly clear that we have no intention to harm these countries,” he said. “What we are essentially doing is to meet our electricity demands from one of the cleanest sources of energy. We cannot afford to continue keeping more than 65 million of our people in the dark.”

In Egypt, even mild comments that might seem in favor of the dam require anonymity. One U.N. official in Cairo, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to talk freely about a politically sensitive issue, said that the dam had “not so far impacted the worsening water-scarcity conditions in Egypt” but that the situation could be “different in the following years.”

Other experts agreed that Egypt was unlikely to feel the effects in the near term, and that water reserves at the Aswan Dam could prevent catastrophes brought on by sudden droughts.

A farmer shows the piping of the drip irrigation at
              strawberry farms in Kom Hamada.
Drip irrigation has been implemented throughout
              Egyptian farming areas, including at strawberry farms in
              Kom Hamada, as a means to conserve water. (Sima Diab for
              The Washington Post)

LEFT: A farmer shows the piping of the drip irrigation at strawberry farms in Kom Hamada. RIGHT: Drip irrigation has been implemented throughout Egyptian farming areas, including at strawberry farms in Kom Hamada, as a means to conserve water. (Sima Diab for The Washington Post)

But measures put in place to reduce water consumption aren’t likely to match demographic and climatic factors that show no signs of reversing. In the past 50 years, Egypt’s population rose from 35 million to 100 million. That pressure drives Egypt’s need for an agreement that gives it as much water as it can get.

“If you don’t have an agreement establishing the rules of how you do that, that becomes effectively a zero-sum game,” said Riccardo Fabiani, North Africa project director for the International Crisis Group. “From a psychological point of view, Egypt is for the first time dependent on a major country of a size that is comparable to Egypt, of an economic power that is quickly catching up with Egypt.”

Sissi, also speaking at the United Nations in September, put it in simpler terms: “The Nile River must not be monopolized by one state. For Egypt, the Nile water is an existential matter.”

That’s how the villagers of Kafr Ziyada feel. Most farmers have already added crops such as strawberries and lemons that require much less water. Even so, some like Belal Mohamed, 36, remain on edge.

On his land, the canal that once brought Nile water has dried up, he said. So he relies completely on groundwater, which also originates in the river. Any future water shortages could destroy him. “We are next to the desert,” Mohamed said, pointing at the sand dunes visible from his farm. “It will be harder to find groundwater.”

The
            Blue Nile, or Abay, as it is known to Ethiopians, cuts a
            deep canyon through the center of the country. (Yonas
            Tadesse for The Washington Post)
The Blue Nile, or Abay, as it is known to Ethiopians, cuts a deep canyon through the center of the country. (Yonas Tadesse for The Washington Post)

The dam’s promise of regular electricity is as potent a symbol of change in Ethiopia as it is of dread in Egypt.

Economic growth in Ethiopia has been stifled by a lack of electricity. Industry margins are hollowed out by the nightmare of daily, unpredictable power cuts.

It takes a huge amount of electricity to run Moges Alemu’s business — making oxygen into liquid. The element’s gas form needs to be cooled to minus-159 degrees Celsius in sophisticated, heavy-duty machines.

On a recent day, there was no electricity. Not a day in three weeks had passed without a power cut. With each blackout, hours of costly electricity-intensive cooling would, quite literally, evaporate into thin air.

Power cuts weren’t even the worst of Alemu’s woes. Fluctuations in the energy supply caused by surges in daytime demand for power had blown out numerous costly pieces of equipment, repeatedly rendering the factory useless for weeks at a time. Other factory owners said they had lost millions of dollars this way.

Workers at Moges Alemu's Universal Gas Factory
              prepare canisters for delivery.
Moges Alemu, 84, owner of Universal Gas Factory,
              which makes oxygen into liquid, poses for a portrait in
              Adama, Ethiopia, on Sept. 17. (Yonas Tadesse for The
              Washington Post)

LEFT: Workers at Moges Alemu's Universal Gas Factory prepare canisters for delivery. RIGHT: Moges Alemu, 84, owner of Universal Gas Factory, which makes oxygen into liquid, poses for a portrait in Adama, Ethiopia, on Sept. 17. (Yonas Tadesse for The Washington Post)

The stakes are high: All of eastern Ethiopia relies on Alemu’s factory for oxygen applications that include hospital emergency rooms, artificial insemination of livestock, welding and increasing the shelf life of potato chips.

“It’s disastrous. Our growth is crippled. Without the dam, honestly, the future looks hopeless,” Alemu said. “But we can’t afford to be left behind.”

Once the equipment is repaired, his 60 workers will toil mostly at night, when surges are less likely.

Ethiopia’s lack of electricity contributes to an economic lag that in turn has left the country in an immensely precarious situation. Without industry, hundreds of thousands have fled endemic poverty on perilous, often deadly quests to find work abroad. Unemployed youth who stay behind are blamed for repeated bouts of political violence. Girls in rural areas — where more than 80 percent of the country lives — are expected to fetch firewood for cooking, precluding millions from going to school.

To hear it from the Ethiopian government, the dam is close to a cure-all. In an August statement, the state-run Ethiopian Investment Commission said the dam had “a vast ability to solve the country’s power problem.”

Workers at the Etur textile factory in Adama, Ethiopia,
            which has suffered millions of dollars in losses due to
            electricity fluctuations. (Yonas Tadesse for The Washington
            Post)
Workers at the Etur textile factory in Adama, Ethiopia, which has suffered millions of dollars in losses due to electricity fluctuations. (Yonas Tadesse for The Washington Post)

The commission says 5,700 foreign companies would draw on power created by the Renaissance Dam, many of them in a burgeoning industrial corridor that stretches from Addis Ababa to the boomtown of Adama, the site of Alemu’s factory. A $5 billion new airport is in the works between the two cities, already connected by a new six-lane expressway and electric rail line.

To the electrician fixing the oxygen factory, however, the dam’s promise is less clear-cut. Mesfin Telahun likened Ethiopia’s power infrastructure to a battered Lada, the Soviet-era taxicab that is still ubiquitous on Ethiopian streets.

“Every transformer in this country has broken and been repaired 100 times, 1,000 times,” he said. “Just because we have more power doesn’t mean everything else suddenly works.”

Wheeler, the Oxford hydrologist, said a large dam would almost certainly iron out power fluctuation problems. The dam’s power will also help with similar problems in Sudan, Kenya and Djibouti, all of which are connected to Ethiopia’s grid and will begin importing power from it in the coming years.

Further away still is the promise of rural electrification. More than 840 million people worldwide lack electricity access, including most Ethiopians and nearly half of all Africans. But building new distribution lines will be at least as costly as the dam itself, Wheeler said, and their construction has barely started.

Perched high above the river whose harnessing promises such a clear break from the past is a cluster of villages that have never had an electric connection.

Adanach Abebew, a 28-year-old woman who lives in a
              cluster of villages, or kebele, called Miniji Yibiza in
              Ethiopia's Amhara region, carries wood used for cooking.
Tirunesh Shegaw, 20, studied to become an electrician
              despite her home's never having had electricity. (Yonas
              Tadesse for The Washington Post)

LEFT: Adanach Abebew, a 28-year-old woman who lives in a cluster of villages, or kebele, called Miniji Yibiza in Ethiopia's Amhara region, carries wood used for cooking. RIGHT: Tirunesh Shegaw, 20, studied to become an electrician despite her home's never having had electricity. (Yonas Tadesse for The Washington Post)

Starting by age 8 or so, almost every girl in Miniji Yibiza spends most of the day walking between a nearby forest and her home, carrying firewood on her back.

It isn’t uncommon to see four generations of women from the same family, the youngest and oldest both stooped under the weight of the wood.

When asked whether she had ever gone to school, Adanach Abebew, 28, laughed.

“How could I?” she asked. “If I didn’t have to do this, I would at least have more time with my smallest child. I get worried when I am away all day collecting wood.”

Her neighbor, Tirunesh Shegaw, 20, made it to school by persuading her mother to take on extra carrying duties. At a vocational school in the nearby town of Dejen, she chose to study to be an electrician.

“Electricity is the future,” she said. “When it comes to this village, I will be the one who can fix it when it breaks.”

Asaye Gashew, a village elder, scoffed. Why prepare for electricity, even if it was what they desired most? Wouldn’t industry get priority over poor people? What if Egypt sabotaged the dam?

Visible from the village’s edge, the river glistened in the canyon far below, its power evident even from miles away.

“How can we have so much water,” he asked, “and still be thirsty?”

A
            view of the Blue Nile River canyon, the natural boundary
            between Ethiopia's Oromia and Amhara regions. (Yonas Tadesse
            for The Washington Post)
A view of the Blue Nile River canyon, the natural boundary between Ethiopia's Oromia and Amhara regions. (Yonas Tadesse for The Washington Post)

About this story

Map sources: Composite satellite image comparing March and September water levels derived from ESA Sentinel 2 imagery. Nilebasin.org, Worldpop.org, and Hydrosheds.org. Maps by Laris Karklis. Photo editing by Olivier Laurent. Design and development by Jake Crump. Copy editing by Lisa Lednicer.

Bearak reported from Adama, Ethiopia, and Raghavan reported from Kafr Ziyada, Egypt. Heba Farouk Mahfouz in Cairo contributed reporting.

Headshot of Max Bearak
Max Bearak is The Washington Post's Nairobi bureau chief. Previously, he reported from Afghanistan, Bangladesh, India, Somalia and Washington, D.C., for The Post, following stints in Delhi and Mumbai reporting for the New York Times and others.
Headshot of Sudarsan Raghavan
Sudarsan Raghavan is The Washington Post’s Cairo bureau chief. has reported from more than 65 nations and territories. He has been posted in Baghdad, Kabul, Johannesburg, Madrid and Nairobi. He has covered the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and the 2011 Arab revolutions, as well as reported from 17 African wars.


‘This Is a War’: Cross-Border Fight Over Water Erupts in Mexico

Louis Proyect
 

La
                Boquilla Dam, which was seized from the government by
                local farmers amid a water dispute with the United
                States, near Delicias, Chihuahua, Mexico.
La Boquilla Dam, which was seized from the government by local farmers amid a water dispute with the United States, near Delicias, Chihuahua, Mexico.Credit...Daniel Berehulak for The New York Times

‘This Is a War’: Cross-Border Fight Over Water Erupts in Mexico

Farmers in Mexico ambushed soldiers and seized a dam to stop water payments to the United States, in a sign of growing conflict over increasingly scarce resources.

La Boquilla Dam, which was seized from the government by local farmers amid a water dispute with the United States, near Delicias, Chihuahua, Mexico.Credit...Daniel Berehulak for The New York Times


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BOQUILLA, Mexico — The farmers armed themselves with sticks, rocks and homemade shields, ambushed hundreds of soldiers guarding a dam and seized control of one of the border region’s most important bodies of water.

The Mexican government was sending water — their water — to Texas, leaving them next to nothing for their thirsty crops, the farmers said. So they took over the dam and have refused to allow any of the water to flow to the United States for more than a month.

“This is a war,” said Victor Velderrain, a grower who helped lead the takeover, “to survive, to continue working, to feed my family.”

The standoff is the culmination of longstanding tensions over water between the United States and Mexico that have recently exploded into violence, pitting Mexican farmers against their own president and the global superpower next door.

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Negotiating the exchange of water between the two countries has long been strained, but rising temperatures and long droughts have made the shared rivers along the border more valuable than ever, intensifying the stakes for both nations.

The dam’s takeover is a stark example of how far people are willing to go to defend livelihoods threatened by climate change — and of the kind of conflict that may become more common with increasingly extreme weather.

Along the arid border region, water rights are governed by a decades-old treaty that compels the United States and Mexico to share the flows of the Colorado and Rio Grande rivers, with each side sending water to the other. Mexico has fallen far behind on its obligations to the United States and is now facing a deadline to deliver the water this month.

Image
Members of Mexico’s National Guard at a control point that moves water to the United States near Delicias, Chihuahua.Credit...Daniel Berehulak for The New York Times
Image
Farmers and workers, some holding pictures of
                    Jessica Silva, a protester killed by the National
                    Guard, during a demonstration against water being
                    sent to the United States.
Farmers and workers, some holding pictures of Jessica Silva, a protester killed by the National Guard, during a demonstration against water being sent to the United States.Credit...Daniel Berehulak for The New York Times

But this has been one of the driest years in the last three decades for Chihuahua, the Mexican border state responsible for sending the bulk of the water Mexico owes. Its farmers have rebelled, worried that losing any more water will rob them of a chance for a healthy harvest next year.

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“These tensions, these tendencies, are already there, and they’re just made so much worse by climate change,” said Christopher Scott, a professor of water resources policy at the University of Arizona. “They are in a fight for their lives, because no water, no agriculture; no agriculture, no rural communities.”

NEW MEXICO

El Paso

Rio Grande

TEXAS

MEXICO

CHIHUAHUA

Conchos R.

Boquilla Dam

50 MILES

By The New York Times

Since February, when federal forces first occupied the dam to ensure water deliveries to the United States continued, activists in Chihuahua have burned government buildings, destroyed cars and briefly held a group of politicians hostage. For weeks, they’ve blocked a major railroad used to ferry industrial goods between Mexico and the United States.

Their revolt has alarmed farmers and politicians in Texas. Greg Abbott, the state’s Republican governor, appealed to Secretary of State Mike Pompeo last month, demanding that he persuade Mexico to deliver the water by the deadline next week, or risk inflicting pain on American farmers.

Mexico’s president, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, who has repeatedly bent to President Trump’s demands on immigration, has vowed that his country will make good on its water obligations to the United States — whether the state of Chihuahua likes it or not.

He sent hundreds of members of the National Guard to protect Chihuahua’s dams, and his government temporarily froze bank accounts belonging to the city where many of the protesters live.

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For farmers, the government’s stance is a betrayal.

Mr. Velderrain, 42, said he never saw himself as the type of person who would lead hundreds over a hill to overwhelm a group of soldiers protecting a cache of automatic weapons. But there he was in a video posted on Facebook, escorting a Mexican general out of the Boquilla Dam on the day he led the takeover.

Surprised and heavily outnumbered, the National Guard quickly surrendered. Later that day, one protester was shot and killed by the National Guard.

Image
Victor Velderrain on his land. He was a leader of the takeover of the dam, which farmers continue to occupy. Credit...Daniel Berehulak for The New York Times
Image
Volunteers and farmers preparing food at the farmers’ encampment at La Boquilla Dam.Credit...Daniel Berehulak for The New York Times

“We have always dedicated ourselves to work; we’ve never been known as protesters,” Mr. Velderrain said back on his farm, shucking an ear of corn that wasn’t quite ready for harvest. “What happened at the Boquilla dam was impressive, because we took off our farmer clothes and put on the uniform of guerrilla fighters.”

The federal government argues that the protesting farmers are also hurting other Mexicans by preventing water from flowing to their compatriots downstream, and that the growers would still have access to at least 60 percent of the water they need for next year.

“Agriculture, like any other profession, has risks,” said Blanca Jiménez, the head of Mexico’s National Water Commission. “One of the risks is that there are years when it rains more and years when it rains less.”

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With the intensity of the drought in Chihuahua this year, Mexico has fallen far behind on its water shipments to the United States. It now has to send more than 50 percent of its average annual water payment in a matter of weeks. The Mexican government insists it will still comply, despite the takeover of the dam, which spans the Conchos River, a major tributary of the Rio Grande. But some Texans have their doubts.

“It’s just not going to happen, unless a storm develops and helps Mexico, which is normally what they count on,” said Sonny Hinojosa, the general manager of an irrigation district in Hidalgo County, Texas. “They gamble and hope that a storm or mother nature will bail them out.”

Texans also contend that, on balance, Mexico benefits more from the water-sharing agreement between the two countries, signed in 1944, than they do. Mr. Abbott, the state’s governor, has pointed out that the United States sends Mexico about four times as much water as it receives from its neighbor.

Image
Low
                    water levels near La Boquilla Dam.
Low water levels near La Boquilla Dam.Credit...Daniel Berehulak for The New York Times
Image
Members of Mexico’s National Guard on Las Virgenes Dam in Chihuahua, as water is released and channelled to the United States.Credit...Daniel Berehulak for The New York Times

The treaty doesn’t punish either side for shirking its duties but, eager to avoid conflict, Mexico is scrambling to find a way to meet its water obligations as the deadline nears. One of the likeliest solutions is that Mexico will hand over a significant amount of the water it owns in reservoirs, normally used by more than a dozen Mexican cities. In exchange, Mexico has asked the United States to lend it drinking water for those cities, if Mexico ends up running out.

Part of the problem, scientists say, is that Mexico’s need for water has grown since the signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement in the 1990s, as more people settled in the country’s dry border region and agricultural production ramped up to satisfy American consumers.

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Francisco Marta, a 23-year-old who manages his father’s corn and alfalfa fields, suspects that his fellow farmers don’t have the Mexican president’s sympathies in the water dispute because they are generally not members of his poor and working class political base. The farmers live in the north, traditionally a stronghold of the conservative opposition against Mr. López Obrador, who ran on a leftist platform.

“He believes that we are rich and that nothing will happen to us if we don’t work next year, but that’s not true," Mr. Marta said. “I myself will migrate if I don’t have anywhere to work here.”

Mr. López Obrador has accused politicians and “big agriculture” of fomenting strife in Chihuahua, which, he said at a recent news conference, “has nothing to do with small farmers.”

But Jéssica Silva, 35, the protester who was killed the day the farmers took the Boquilla Dam, didn’t have a farm of her own, her parents said. She and her husband, Jaime Torres, rented about 22 acres of pecan trees and helped her parents cultivate an even smaller plot.

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The farm of José Luis Silva and Justina Zamarripa, the parents of Jéssica Silva, killed during the takeover of the dam.Credit...Daniel Berehulak for The New York Times
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Mr. Silva and Ms. Zamarripa, with a photo of Jéssica Silva, their daughter. Credit...Daniel Berehulak for The New York Times

“She had so many plans,” said Ms. Silva’s mother, Justina Zamarripa, tears falling into the creases of her cheeks.

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The National Guard shot Ms. Silva several times in the back through the window of her husband’s truck. He was wounded but survived.

“She was defending what belongs to us,” said her father, José Luis Silva.

In a photo her parents have of the two just after the attack, Ms. Silva is slumped over in the passenger seat, wearing her seatbelt and a mask to protect against the coronavirus.

“She was always so cautious,” her mother said.


Re: Question: Has the Spartacist League Folded?

Alan Ginsberg
 

The Internationalist Group, a Spartacist League splinter, recently published an article about what's going on (and not going on) re the SL. The IG doesn't claim to know what's going on. The article states:

As we noted in our June article, the SL has been undergoing yet another phase in its endless internal crisis. Is its paralysis partly the result of the downward spiral of its ever more wacked-out internal life? No doubt about it. Does its utter incapacity to respond to what’s happening in the real world outside its endless internal fever dream display stunning incompetence by its leadership, and the emptiness of their claims to be building a revolutionary party? Self-evidently.

http://www.internationalist.org/sl-silence-capitulation-to-democrats-2010.html

The June article can be found at http://www.internationalist.org/spartacist-league-declares-bankruptcy-0620.html


“Over Half of the People Who Used to Grow Crops Here Can’t Do It Anymore” | The New Republic

Louis Proyect
 

Since 2017, extreme drought has ravaged Canyon de Chelly, on the Navajo Nation in northeastern Arizona. In normal years, the area receives an average of 12 inches of rain. That’s not the case recently. The problem is exacerbated by lack of water infrastructure. State and federal government officials have sometimes withheld water or funding for water infrastructure from Navajo, or Diné, communities during disputes over water rights.

https://newrepublic.com/article/159418/over-half-people-used-grow-crops-cant-anymore


(Post)pandemic struggles in social reproduction: COVID-19 and housing justice in Serbia | Lefteast

Louis Proyect