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Kentucky Police Training Quoted Hitler and Urged ‘Ruthless’ Violence

Louis Proyect
 

Kentucky Police Training Quoted Hitler and Urged ‘Ruthless’ Violence

A training slide show that urged officers to “always fight to the death” is no longer used but has raised an outcry in a state that has struggled with police violence.

A slide in a training manual used by the Kentucky State Police includes a quote from Adolf Hitler encouraging the “regular employment of violence.”Credit...Kentucky State Police

A slide show once shown to cadets training to join the Kentucky State Police includes quotations attributed to Adolf Hitler and Robert E. Lee, says troopers should be warriors who “always fight to the death” and encourages each trooper in training to be a “ruthless killer.”

The slide show, which came to light on Friday in a report from a high school newspaper, brought harsh condemnation from politicians, Jewish groups and Kentucky residents, but not from the Kentucky State Police department itself, which said only that the training materials were old.

Morgan Hall, a spokeswoman for the Kentucky Justice and Public Safety Cabinet, which oversees the State Police, said that the slide show was “removed” in 2013 and was no longer in use but declined to answer a list of questions, including queries about how long the material was used and how many cadets had seen the training.

ImageKentucky State Police
                cleared protestors from a park in September during
                demonstrations over the death of Breonna Taylor.
Kentucky State Police cleared protestors from a park in September during demonstrations over the death of Breonna Taylor.Credit...Mark Lyons/EPA, via Shutterstock

Ms. Hall said in a statement that it was “unacceptable” that such material had ever been included in law enforcement training. “Our administration does not condone the use of this material,” she said. She added that the cabinet agency “began an internal review” after learning about the material on Friday.

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Kentucky State Police have assisted the Louisville Metro Police Department during protests over Louisville police officers’ killing of Breonna Taylor, a Black emergency room technician shot by the police when they raided her apartment in March. The state agency also helped to investigate the Taylor killing, providing a ballistics report to the state attorney general before he determined that the officers who shot Ms. Taylor were justified.

The quotations attributed to Hitler, the genocidal leader of Nazi Germany, and Lee, the Confederate general, are included among 33 slides that were shown to cadets in the Kentucky State Police Academy as part of a slide show entitled “The Warrior Mindset.”

“The very first essential for success is a perpetually constant and regular employment of violence,” reads one quotation attributed to Hitler, who is quoted more than anyone in the training document. Some of the statements attributed to Hitler link to a website providing biographical information about him and listing books by and about him.

The training itself emphasizes that troopers must be ready to employ violence in order to do their jobs properly. One of the slides that quotes Hitler — under the heading “Violence of Action” — also says troopers should “be the loving father, spouse, and friend as well as the ruthless killer.” Another says warriors “always fight to the death, they never quit” and that they must be willing to “commit to the fight.”

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The title page indicates that the training was created by a retired captain, Curt Hall, who could not be reached for comment. Local news reports, Mr. Hall’s LinkedIn page and a news release from the State Police in 2018 indicate that Mr. Hall was an assistant commander at the police academy from 2005 to 2015 and later served as a commander in the internal affairs department and as the commander of one of the agency’s 16 regional posts.

The lesson appears to be at least partially in line with “warrior training,” a controversial practice that often begins during basic training in academies and is modeled on military boot camp, which many police departments embrace. Many of the nation’s police academies and departments have long emphasized a warrior mentality, experts have said, with officers trained for conflict and equipped with the gear and weapons of modern warfare. Critics have said the specialized training can lead officers to believe they are under constant threat of being harmed and can intensify encounters with civilians.

The slide show was obtained by a lawyer who is suing a Kentucky State Police trooper who shot and killed Bradley J. Grant, 37, in 2018. David Ward, the lawyer, said he had received a copy of the slide show after filing a public records request for documents that the trooper had seen when he was going through training at the academy in 2013.

Mr. Ward said he was shocked by the material, and that it seemed to coincide with the combative nature of the trooper’s encounter with Mr. Grant that preceded the fatal shooting. The State Police said at the time that Mr. Grant had confronted two officers with a shotgun before he was killed, but Mr. Ward said Mr. Grant had been pointing the shotgun at his own chin and asking officers to shoot him.

“This type of training — these quotes — creates a mind set that these troopers are at war, that they need to come to work ready for battle,” Mr. Ward said. “This type of mind set is likely to create an adversarial situation or a violent encounter, and I think that becomes even more likely when you encounter a person who is suffering a mental health crisis and is less likely to respond to verbal commands in a rational way.”

The slide show was first reported by The Manual Redeye, a student newspaper at duPont Manual High School in Louisville, in an article written by the 16-year-old and 14-year-old sons of another lawyer involved in the lawsuit against the trooper.

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“This is absolutely unacceptable,” Gov. Andy Beshear of Kentucky, a Democrat, said in a statement. “It is further unacceptable that I just learned about this through social media. We will collect all the facts and take immediate corrective action.”

The 33-slide presentation ends with a quotation usually attributed to Theodore Roosevelt about credit belonging to “the man who is actually in the arena, whose face is marred by dust and sweat and blood.”

It ends: “Questions??”


Stop Refreshing That Forecast - Insight

Louis Proyect
 

Why I changed my mind on modeling electoral forecasts

https://zeynep.substack.com/p/stop-refreshing-that-forecast


Re: Trump’s record on Syria: Enabler of Assad’s victory, enemy of Syrians

Viejo Oso Gruñon
 

More than a little bit...




Re: Why I voted for Howie Hawkins

Sābrīn M
 

Congrats, you wasted your time and money on a party that's even more useless than the Democrats. 


On Sun, Nov 1, 2020 at 12:37 PM Michael Meeropol <mameerop@...> wrote:
Here is what caused me to think you were saying the opposite of what you just wrote:

The greatest revival of the left, and of revolutionary thinking 
in the United States since the upsurge of the 1930's was derailed into the Democratic Party (thanks in large measure to the efforts of Stalinism and the Communist Party USA) occurred precisely in the eight years of the Kennedy-Johnson Democratic Party reign. 

the key words for me were "was derailed into the Democratic Party" --- I argued and you now agree that the left was in OPPOSITION to the Democratic Party despite the "part of the way with LBJ" slogan from SDS

I TOTALLY AGREE WITH WHAT YOU JUST WROTE ---

On Sun, Nov 1, 2020 at 1:06 PM <anthonyboynton@...> wrote:
I don't think you understood my point Michael. My point was that the movement grew by leaps and bounds during the Kennedy-Johnson period, not that it was derailed.

(the two different sentences that use the word derailed confused me!)
 
I


Re: The anti-Biden socialists

Ryan
 

Shoot, I did the thing. Apologies.


Re: Why I voted for Howie Hawkins

Michael Meeropol
 

Here is what caused me to think you were saying the opposite of what you just wrote:

The greatest revival of the left, and of revolutionary thinking 
in the United States since the upsurge of the 1930's was derailed into the Democratic Party (thanks in large measure to the efforts of Stalinism and the Communist Party USA) occurred precisely in the eight years of the Kennedy-Johnson Democratic Party reign. 

the key words for me were "was derailed into the Democratic Party" --- I argued and you now agree that the left was in OPPOSITION to the Democratic Party despite the "part of the way with LBJ" slogan from SDS

I TOTALLY AGREE WITH WHAT YOU JUST WROTE ---

On Sun, Nov 1, 2020 at 1:06 PM <anthonyboynton@...> wrote:
I don't think you understood my point Michael. My point was that the movement grew by leaps and bounds during the Kennedy-Johnson period, not that it was derailed.

(the two different sentences that use the word derailed confused me!)
 
I


Re: The anti-Biden socialists

Ryan
 

Well said. My thoughts exactly. No one is motivated to do anything by a third party vote, especially since the Green Party or the PSL don’t represent an actual working class movement. We need to stop Trump and keep going. We can do both. 

—Ryan
 

On Nov 1, 2020, at 7:43 AM, John Reimann <1999wildcat@...> wrote:


I've been realizing what bothers me the most about the different socialist groups posting articles about why we shouldn't vote for Biden: It's not that this could swing the election to Trump. After all, our influence is so low it's nonexistent for all practical purposes. Why I think it's so mistaken is that it is entirely the wrong focus. In the past the danger - no, the near-certainty - that any movement would get sucked into the Democratic Party was the most important issue. But that's not true today. Today, the most important issue is how to stop Trump. (In my opinion, the best way is to build an independent movement of the working class, in part by fighting inside the unions to make them lead a working class mobilizations.) These anti-lesser evilism articles have entirely the wrong focus. It's tone deaf, completely unaware of what is really happening. It's meant to prove one's "left" credentials to others in that little left ghetto, not to try to actually build a movement. The focus should be on how to build a resistance to Trump, not on whether or not to vote for Biden. And, no, voting for Biden in and of itself does not preclude building that resistance; relying on him does, but that's a different thing.

--
“Science and socialism go hand-in-hand.” Felicity Dowling
Check out:https:http://oaklandsocialist.com also on Facebook


Re: Why I voted for Howie Hawkins

anthonyboynton@...
 

I don't think you understood my point Michael. My point was that the movement grew by leaps and bounds during the Kennedy-Johnson period, not that it was derailed.
 
It did this because it came into conflict with the Democratic Party's war policy and limitation of civil rights reforms to extension of voting rights without redress of the long term social and economic effects of slavery and racism. The movement grew because of the ghetto rebellions and widespread opposition to the war being led by the Democrats. 
 
The line of thought that upsurges in revolutionary activity happen when things get "better" was my point. Better in the ghetto after Johnson's reforms were not that much better. Johnson's escalation of the war was much worse. 
 
I think the conditions for the growth of the left will be better if Biden wins, but I do not think that is a good reason to vote for Biden. That is a good reason to stand against Biden now. Later, the people who support Black Lives Matter and are going to vote for Biden because he is not such an overt racist as Trump, will move to the left. 
 
The Black Panther Party was founded in 1966: two years after LBJ was elected and in the midst of his reforms. 
 
We certainly won battles in the 60's and the 70's including Vietnam and the reforms you mentioned. We won them despite LBJ and the Democrats and because of the people in the streets and the heroic people of Vietnam. 
 
Anthony


Re: On Jewish Revolutionary Internationalism – Against the Current

Michael Meeropol
 

this is a long piece but VERY GOOD and (to this Jewish Marxist) very very valuable!!

On Sun, Nov 1, 2020 at 11:10 AM Louis Proyect <lnp3@...> wrote:
By Alan Wald.

https://againstthecurrent.org/atc209/jewish-revolutionaries/








H-Net Review [H-Buddhism]: Bai on Struve, 'The Dreaming Mind and the End of the Ming World'

Andrew Stewart
 



Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW <h-review@...>
Date: November 1, 2020 at 11:27:53 AM EST
To: h-review@...
Cc: H-Net Staff <revhelp@...>
Subject: H-Net Review [H-Buddhism]:  Bai on Struve, 'The Dreaming Mind and the End of the Ming World'
Reply-To: h-review@...

Lynn A. Struve.  The Dreaming Mind and the End of the Ming World.  
Honolulu  University of Hawaii Press, 2019.  Illustrations. 439 pp.  
$72.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-8248-7525-1.

Reviewed by Yuzhou Bai (Princeton University)
Published on H-Buddhism (November, 2020)
Commissioned by Jessica Zu

Lynn A. Struve boldly places dreams at the center of historical
inquiry in _The Dreaming Mind and the End of the Ming World_. Basing
the book on dream-related writings produced by Chinese literati
between 1550 and 1700, Struve intricately narrates the rise of dream
sensibility that paralleled the collapse of the Ming dynasty
(1368-1644) and its aftermath. The thesis can be summarized as
follows: this era reflects a "dream arc" in Chinese history, a time
when individual struggles in official careers, personal lives, moral
cultivation, and the pursuit of salvation were collectively expressed
through various forms of oneiric writing--the psychological and
narratological practice that achieved unprecedented levels of
popularity among the Ming literati.

Methodologically, this book makes a remarkable contribution to the
history of mentalities in the context of early modern China. Struve
rejects approaches that sideline dreams in historiography. Historians
have long noticed that educated elites across various cultures and
periods like to write about their dreams, yet most historians tend to
discard dream reports as unreliable historical data or dismiss them
as fantasy or superstition. In this book, Struve shows that dream
reports merit serious scholarly attention. Based on psychoanalytical
readings of the Ming literati writings, she probes into different
types of anxieties and frustrations experienced by the writers as
they coped with crises in their lives. Moreover, by highlighting the
unique fashion in which the Ming literati tirelessly chronicled and
intensely reflected on what they dreamed about day to day, Struve
connects the emotional lives of these individuals to the central
themes that define the sociopolitical and intellectual history of
their era.

The four chapters of this book can be thematically divided into two
halves. The first half explains the buildup of the Chinese "dream
arc" in 1550-1700, while the second half offers closeups of the
individuals living in this "dream arc." Chapter 2 serves as the
cornerstone of the book and, thus, the focus of the current review.
In this chapter, Struve teases out five factors (creedal, literary,
visual, political, and emotional) that establish the "dream arc" as a
distinctive period in Chinese history.

The rise of the Chinese "dream arc" is intimately tied to the growing
attention paid to subjectivity in the Ming intellectual landscape.
Intellectuals of this period are notable for their efforts to
harmonize the "three teachings" (Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism)
into one in their pursuits of selfhood and freedom. The
inward-looking and inter-creedal trends, as Struve demonstrates,
encouraged Ming intellectuals to turn to personal dreams for
self-cultivation. Within the Neo-Confucian tradition, the followers
of Wang Yangming (1472-1529) elevated the status of dreaming as an
integral part of one's subjectivity. During the same period, Daoist
and Buddhist masters were also paying significant attention to
dreaming for its ability to illuminate religious truths and point to
cues for salvation. While these thinkers were engaged in dream-rich
intellectual discourse, literary works packed with dream references
were being consumed by the Chinese intelligentsia. In fact, zealous
digging into the human psychology behind dream episodes characterized
the literature of this era across the genres of autobiography,
_xiaopin_ (short) prose, and fiction. By the same token, Ming
literati entertained themselves with images, illustrations, and
paintings that playfully subverted the reality-dream hierarchy. For
instance, Struve's interpretation of the two illustrations of a
dreaming scene from _Story of the West Wing _(figures 8 and 9; figure
9 is also the cover art of this book) highlights how the
mid-seventeenth-century illustrator pictured the dreaming mind as
more real than the waking mind. In sum, Chinese elites in 1550-1700
collectively romanticized subjective experiences. As a result, they
embraced dreaming as a critical aspect of their lived realities.

However, the political and emotional lives of the Chinese literati,
discussed from the second half of chapter 2 on, also fundamentally
shaped the "dream arc." In the mid-sixteenth century, the Ming
literati began to develop a growing sense of frustration with their
government, which proved incapable of curbing partisanship,
suppressing rebellions, and warding off military intrusions. For
some, dream writing offered a way to engage in protests against the
corrupted organs of the Ming court; for others, it became a means of
mental escape. Once it became apparent to some literati that the Ming
would eventually fall, they leveraged dream writing to alleviate
anxiety and stress. In chapters 3 and 4, Struve taxonomizes themes
that appeared repeatedly in the dreams of the Ming literati during
and after the dynastic transition. Particularly insightful is her
analysis in chapter 4 on how dream writing fulfilled various needs of
the Ming "remnant subjects" (_yimin_) following the fall of Beijing
in 1644. Through writing about dreams, the literati who were deeply
disoriented by the dynastic change embarked on a variety of personal
and spiritual journeys of memory making, social withdrawal, pursuit
of a sense of righteousness, and confessional reflection on the self
and the world. Interestingly, as hope for a Ming revival diminished
toward the end of the seventeenth century, dream writing also faded
away. However, as Struve mentions in the epilogue, the emotional
character of dreams was transformed into an element commonly
associated with femininity. The eighteenth-century magnus opus _Dream
of the Red Chamber _is a prime example of the cultural heritage of
the "dream arc."

Carrying a substantial amount of carefully translated primary
materials, including diaries, poems, and fictional writings, this
book can be a good sourcebook for upper-level undergraduate and
graduate courses on the cultural and intellectual history of Ming
China, as well as general survey courses on early modern world
history. For scholars and graduate students studying Chinese
religions, this book will inspire new scholarship in at least three
ways. First, Struve identifies two dreaming modalities ("partite" and
"phasic") in Chinese religions. Simply put, the "partite" model views
the dream as a quasi-religious experience that temporarily draws
human consciousness from its mundane existence into a supernatural
sphere; the "phasic" model, on the other hand, considers the human
dream state as a continuation of the waking state (see figure 1).
While Struve revisits the two dreaming modalities only sporadically
after chapter 1, this framework provides a foundation for future
investigation on dream theories within both Chinese and comparative
contexts.

Second, for the study of Buddhism in the Ming dynasty, this book
offers a reexamination of the "late Ming Buddhist revival" through
several cases. On the political stage, Buddhism competed with Daoism
by assuming a legitimating role, which can be seen in the Buddhist
dreams reported by two powerful Ming empresses. In the broader
cultural context, the influence of eminent Buddhist monks and their
more positive views on dreams can be felt in a wide array of scholars
and their texts. This includes the influential commentary on the
"Inner Chapters" of _Zhuangzi _by Hanshan Deqing (1546-1623), as well
as the iconic variety plays (_zaju_) by Tang Xianzu (1550-1616), who
was greatly inspired by Zibo Zhenke (1543-1603) to reinvent the
classical Tang dynasty dream tales. These case studies will inspire
new research on the sociopolitical and cultural history of late
imperial Chinese Buddhism.

Third, as the perceptions of body, illness, and healing in Chinese
religions attract more and more attention from contemporary scholars,
Struve's discussion of dream diagnosis in the context of traditional
Chinese medicine, albeit brief, can significantly contribute to the
ongoing effort to bring the studies of Chinese religions and history
of medicine together.

Citation: Yuzhou Bai. Review of Struve, Lynn A., _The Dreaming Mind
and the End of the Ming World_. H-Buddhism, H-Net Reviews. November,
2020.
URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=55278

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons
Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States
License.



Evidence on the Diem Coup in South Vietnam, November 1963

Richard Modiano
 

Washington, DC, November 1, 2020 — President John F. Kennedy was more disposed to support the removal of South Vietnamese President Ngo Dinh Diem in late 1963 than previously appeared to be the case, according to a recently released White House tape and transcript.  The ouster of Diem in a military coup that would have major implications for American policy and growing involvement in the country happened 57 years ago today.  Even now the views of Kennedy and some of his top aides about the advisability of a coup specifically have been shrouded by an incomplete documentary record that has led scholars to focus more on the attitudes of subordinates. Today, the National Security Archive is posting for the first time materials from U.S. and Vietnamese archives that open the window into this pivotal event a little bit wider.  


On Jewish Revolutionary Internationalism – Against the Current

Louis Proyect
 


Re: Trump’s record on Syria: Enabler of Assad’s victory, enemy of Syrians

Louis Proyect
 

On 11/1/20 9:30 AM, Vladimiro Giacche' wrote:
One doesn’t need to be a supporter of Assad for being sure that things would get even worse with a civil war enacted by your beloved jihadists .

I can't bother replying to one-line arguments like this. For newcomers to Marxmail, this was my attempt to analyze the Syrian revolution from a Marxist perspective.


With the major media and the leftwing of the Internet flooded with articles interpreting the fall of East Aleppo as a decisive Baathist victory and likely the end of the Syrian revolution, an article on the roots of the revolution might seem behind the curve. However, the contradictions of the Syrian economy that led to a revolt in 2011 have only deepened over the past five years and will likely keep the country locked in violent conflict until they are resolved. Despite the vain hopes of the pro-Assad left that the country can return to a development model advanced in the name of socialism, the outlook for Syria is extremely bleak as long as the country is locked into global capitalist property relations. For that matter, all our futures are bleak on that score, even in the most prosperous imperialist nations. Waking up to that reality is admittedly very difficult for a left that is lagging behind world historical developments that make socialism—real socialism—more necessary than ever.

The material for this article will be drawn from sources that have only become available recently:

  1. A chapter in volume one of the newly published Syria: from Reform to Revolt, edited by Raymond Hinnebusch and Tina Zintl, titled “The End of the World: Drought and Agrarian Transformation in Northeast Syria (2007-2010)” by Myriam Ababsa, who is a research fellow in social geography at the French Institute for the Near East in Amman.
  2. Dara Conduit’s article The Patterns of Syrian Uprising: Comparing Hama in 1980–1982 and Homs in 2011 that appears in the latest issue of the British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 44:1. Conduit is a PhD candidate at Monash University working on the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood.
  3. Shamel Azmeh’s article Syria’s Passage to Conflict: The End of the “Developmental Rentier Fix” and the Consolidation of New Elite Rule that appears in the latest issue of Politics & Society, Vol. 44(4). He is a lecturer in International Development at the University of Bath where his research focuses on the interaction between international trade agreements and flows of products, capital, and workers through global production networks/value chains.


H-Net Review [H-Africa]: Maddox on Dlamini, 'Safari Nation: A Social History of the Kruger National Park'

Andrew Stewart
 



Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW <h-review@...>
Date: November 1, 2020 at 8:23:16 AM EST
To: h-review@...
Cc: H-Net Staff <revhelp@...>
Subject: H-Net Review [H-Africa]:  Maddox on Dlamini, 'Safari Nation: A Social History of the Kruger National Park'
Reply-To: h-review@...

Jacob S. T. Dlamini.  Safari Nation: A Social History of the Kruger
National Park.  New African Histories Series. Athens  Ohio University
Press, 2020.  Illustrations. 350 pp.  $36.95 (paper), ISBN
978-0-8214-2409-4; $80.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-8214-2408-7.

Reviewed by Gregory H. Maddox (Texas Southern University)
Published on H-Africa (November, 2020)
Commissioned by David D. Hurlbut

Environmental History as Intellectual History

Jacob S. T. Dlamini bills his book as a "social history" of the
Kruger National Park in South Africa. In doing so, he shortchanges
the breadth of the work. He examines the place of Kruger National
Park and wildlife conservation in black South African thought. He
reviews the history of black communities in and around the park. He
includes an overview of black environmental thought both in South
Africa and in other parts of the continent. He explores the history
of black travel and leisure in twentieth-century South Africa. He
reviews the literature on hunting and poaching in and around the
park. The work is not a straightforward environmental history of the
park. Rather it complements the work of Jane Carruthers's _Kruger
National Park: A Social and Political History_ (1995) and others by
exploring the ways that blacks in South Africa from all the
communities under that designation negotiated their relationships in,
around, and outside the park under white rule.

Dlamini's first target is the notion that Kruger was exclusively a
white playground. He builds on Carruthers's work to show that African
communities continued to live in Kruger long after it became a
reserved area and of course provided the labor necessary to create
the space. Residents, labor migrants, hunters, and workers traversed
the park. The park was never just a white space. Whites in South
Africa sought to define the park as part of a distinctive part of
white nationalism and "modern" blacks sought to claim their place in
the park, and hence their right to be part of the nation.

Dlamini divides the book into two sections labeled "Movements" and
"Homelands." In the first, he addresses both the labor the park got
from residents within and just outside the park and the movement of
black migrants through the park. Migrant routes to the mining region
of South Africa helped pioneer the roads that would become the
infrastructure of tourism in the park. WNLA (Wenela) ran regular
migrant convoys from Portuguese East Africa to the Witwatersrand and
the park itself eventually used "clandestine" migrants as unpaid
labor with migrants working to pay off the fee charged for park entry
to both visitors and migrants under Wenela's authority.

A thread on black and white mobility through the park serves as the
bridge between the two sections. Dlamini weaves discussions of
African environmental thought from across the continent with those of
black South African leisure studies and even gun ownership into his
analysis of the place of the park in South African history. He
emphasizes that people in South Africa's black communities throughout
the twentieth century sought to claim the right to use the park.
Asians and Coloureds as well as African leaders and intellectuals,
such as Sol Plaatje, Herbert Dhlomo, and John Dube, sought engagement
with and travel to the park. Dube, for example, eventually claimed
the right to own and use hunting firearms as an "exempted native" in
South Africa (p. 99). This he connects to the literature on African
hunting and poaching both before and after the transition to majority
rule.

Dlamini also examines the historiography and literature on African
land claims within and outside the park. He links the politics of
African homelands under apartheid with conservation efforts and with
ongoing struggles over land claims in South Africa. He uses the
concept of insurgent citizenship to connect these struggles with the
park as a process in neoliberal South Africa.

He begins the book with a review of African environmental thought
that connects both African environmental history with its attempt to
deconstruct conservationists' narratives and circles back to Nelson
Mandela's use of "ecological citizenship" to create a new, non-racial
definition of South African identity. Dlamini contends that Mandela
"used nature to assert a common South  
Africanness." He plays on the irony of Mandela's use of the imported
jacaranda trees as part of his assertion of such a citizenship,
noting that "the jacaranda tree did not need to be indigenous to
serve as one of the symbols of a new South Africa" (p. 241).  

Dlamini's themes read more like a work of intellectual rather than
social history, illuminating the importance of ideas in the
construction of African nationalism in South Africa. This review
barely hints at the complexity of the book. He has constructed a
powerful and thought-provoking work.

Citation: Gregory H. Maddox. Review of Dlamini, Jacob S. T., _Safari
Nation: A Social History of the Kruger National Park_. H-Africa,
H-Net Reviews. November, 2020.
URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=55403

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons
Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States
License.



Six Chix comic strip

Ken Hiebert
 


Re: Why I voted for Howie Hawkins

Michael Meeropol
 

I SEE THE HISTORY FROM 1964 GOING FORWARD VERY DIFFERENTLY THAN ANTHONY ---

On Sun, Nov 1, 2020 at 9:15 AM <anthonyboynton@...> wrote:

 
The best comparison in modern history is the election of 1964. In that year, the Socialist Workers Party ran Clifton DeBerry for president as a write-in candidate. The Communist Party USA supported LBJ, and the SDS sadly said "Half of the Way with LBJ". Many of its surviving leaders today say, "All the way with Joe", so does what's left of the CP. 
 
By 1966 millions were chanting, "Hey, Hey LBJ, How many babies did you kill today?". The greatest revival of the left, and of revolutionary thinking 
in the United States since the upsurge of the 1930's was derailed into the Democratic Party (thanks in large measure to the efforts of Stalinism and the Communist Party USA) occurred precisely in the eight years of the Kennedy-Johnson Democratic Party reign. 

ME:  FAR FROM BEING "Derailed" the anti-war  movement beginning with the SDS March in April 1965 was specifically aimed at the Democrdatic Party --- A broad coalition of pacifists, anti=-militarist "conservatives", socialists, communists, anarchists ---  broadening to include people of color (Bob Parris [nee Moses] spoke at the SDS march in 1965 as did a US Senator).   It was the broad anti-war movement that got first McCarthy and then RFK into the race against Johnson -- forced Johnson to withdraw -- and (almost) forced Humprey to become an "anti-waar" candidate --- And Humprey did not fool anyone --- remember he LOST to Nixon and would have lost in a landslide if not for Wallace --- and I don't remember any (maybe I'm using 20-20 hindsight, I admit) on the left who "regretted" their failure to vote for HUmprey (there were Peace and Freedom slates on some ballots --- not just California but in Minnesota [where Eldridge Cleaver got 1200 votes!]---)

So I do NOT think that the 8 years of Kenney-Johnson derailed the upsurge in left wing activity ---

And by the way, one of the fruits of the Johnson landslide of 1964 was the greatest period of structural reform in US history since the New Deal --- the Voting Rights Act was in 1965 --- but there was also a housing focused Civil Rights Act of 1968 ---- the Immigration Reform bill of 1965 is the SINGLE reason why there has been a "browning of America" with the percentage of the population being born outside the US rising dramatically from that point to today ---- And there was Medicare and Medicaid --- which arguably increased the life-expectany not just of the over -65 crew but of poor people in general ---- Even the failed "war on poverty" energized many local communities to fight for progressive change ---

There is a line of revolutionary thought that upsurges in revolutionary activity usually occur when things START TO GET BETTER and the population has the "space" to start struggling to make things as they should be rather than just a little bit better --- (Case in point -- the rebellions that broke out in black communities in the mid to late 1960s came after decades of significant improvement in the economic opportunities for black Americans --- they saw things getting better AND they saw how far they had to come --- and demanded more) ---- THUS, the improvements in the lives of ordinary workers, people of color (even women) before the 1960s LED to the upsurge in demands for more  ----

Yes --- there was a right wing backlash --- yes, our side was not strong enough to resist --- yes, a lot of us got tired and opted to join with liberals defending the pitiful American welfare state that existed --- but I don't think the support for Johnson in 1964 was the beginning of a "big sellout" --- I think our side did some serious fighting and made some significant progress well into the 1970s ---

(The Indochinese won for God's sake --- despite Nixon's best efforts and despite the crushing defeat of McGovern ....)
 


The anti-Biden socialists

John Reimann
 

I've been realizing what bothers me the most about the different socialist groups posting articles about why we shouldn't vote for Biden: It's not that this could swing the election to Trump. After all, our influence is so low it's nonexistent for all practical purposes. Why I think it's so mistaken is that it is entirely the wrong focus. In the past the danger - no, the near-certainty - that any movement would get sucked into the Democratic Party was the most important issue. But that's not true today. Today, the most important issue is how to stop Trump. (In my opinion, the best way is to build an independent movement of the working class, in part by fighting inside the unions to make them lead a working class mobilizations.) These anti-lesser evilism articles have entirely the wrong focus. It's tone deaf, completely unaware of what is really happening. It's meant to prove one's "left" credentials to others in that little left ghetto, not to try to actually build a movement. The focus should be on how to build a resistance to Trump, not on whether or not to vote for Biden. And, no, voting for Biden in and of itself does not preclude building that resistance; relying on him does, but that's a different thing.

--
“Science and socialism go hand-in-hand.” Felicity Dowling
Check out:https:http://oaklandsocialist.com also on Facebook


Re: Why I voted for the lesser evil Joe Biden this time

Erik Toren
 

I don't know the where and when without Googling, but it was the youth organization for the CP. I am 50....so....there. LOL

Erik 


On Sun, Nov 1, 2020 at 7:55 AM Michael Meeropol <mameerop@...> wrote:
HERE'S A TEST -- how many people on this list know what the DUBOIS CLUB(s) were and when and where?

(and this is not a trick question --- it's diagnostic of the "age" and "memory" of people on this list!)


Joe Biden: Wall Street’s “Man in Washington” | Left Voice

Louis Proyect
 


Re: Trump’s record on Syria: Enabler of Assad’s victory, enemy of Syrians

Vladimiro Giacche'
 

One doesn’t need to be a supporter of Assad for being sure that things would get even worse with a civil war enacted by your beloved jihadists .

Or should I assume that the use of the concept of “ lesser evil” is allowed only if related to your presidential Barnum ?  

(BTW, this attitude to insult who expresses a different opinion on controversial issues is a little bit annoying.)




On 11/1/20 6:14 AM, Vladimiro Giacche' wrote:
No doubt that Biden will be more supportive than Trump for jihadists, as Obama and Hillary were.

So speaks our resident fan of sarin gas, starvation sieges, barrel bombing of tenement buildings, and a mafia state whose cronies hid their money in banks tied to Mosseck-Fonseca.

_._,_._,