Date   

HM Online 2020 | Historical Materialism

Louis Proyect
 


The Historic Accomplishment of Karl Marx by Karl Kautsky - COSMONAUT

Louis Proyect
 


The US economy – some facts – Michael Roberts Blog

Louis Proyect
 


Re: 2020 Election Results Show Biden Winning Electoral College

Michael Meeropol
 

Unfortunately, the majority of Republicans in the Senate will give establishment Dems a rationale for not pushing a progressive agenda --- makes our side;s tasks all that harder --- we can kiss goodbye to any possibilities of real progressives in the cabinet (!!)

BUT -- on the positive side, Biden will behave like a decent ruling class servant and actually take appropriate actions to defeat the pandemic --- which will save lots of lives ....




_._,_._,_


Robert Fisk’s wrong turn | Louis Proyect: The Unrepentant Marxist

Louis Proyect
 

Like most people on the left, I relied heavily on five journalists after George W. Bush unleashed his war on terror: Julian Assange, Glenn Greenwald, Seymour Hersh, Patrick Cockburn, and Robert Fisk. After 2011, I was dismayed to see that all of them—to one degree or another—had begun to serve the war aims of the Assad dictatorship. To a large degree, this was a function of their tendency to superimpose the experience of Iraq on Syria. The West was bent on “regime change”, just as it was in 2002. You also had WMD type propaganda that justified intervention. In Iraq, the claim was that Saddam Hussein was developing nuclear weapons. Correspondingly, every time Assad was accused of launching a chemical weapons attack, this was another attempt by the USA to provide an excuse for a full-scale intervention. Finally, just as you had American reporters embedded with the military in Iraq, you also had reporters embedded with the military in Syria. Unfortunately, in this instance some were embedded inside Assad’s military.

full: https://louisproyect.org/2020/11/04/robert-fisks-wrong-turn/


Re: 2020 Election Results Show Biden Winning Electoral College

Mark Lause
 

There's no basis in anything Biden has done or said to draw such conclusions.

If he wins the WH, he will not have the Senate.  He's already said he doesn't want to expand the size of the Supreme Court, so that concedes control of that august body to a faction of the GOP that represents the views of about a quarter of the population on choice, etc.  While campaigning against socialism and denouncing "violent demonstrations," he's also made clear that he has no vision of change that transcends his commitment and bipartisanship . . . .which means nothing that the Republicans won't accept.  And the GOP is retaining control of the Senate.

Trump can't and would not be allowed to just get rid of social security and Medicaid by fiat.  By the same token, there's no guarantee that Biden wouldn't be willing to compromise on those things.  Maybe split the difference with McConnell.  Same with expanded Federal funding for local police trying to sustain law and order against the  vast invisible hordes of Antifa.



Re: 2020 Election Results Show Biden Winning Electoral College

workerpoet
 

Biden, should he manage to become the President, will not slash Social Security or eliminate Medicaid. He may try to sell some of Social Security to Wall Street, the "grand bargain" may corporate Dems have toyed with. Trump, on the other hand will kill Social Security and Medicaid.


When Soviet aesthetics astounded the world | Review of *Soviet Design from Constructivism to Modernism 1920-1980*, by Kristina Krasnyanskaya and Alexander Semenov | Christine Lodder | The Morning Star

Kevin Lindemann and Cathy Campo
 


When Soviet aesthetics astounded the world

The groundbreaking impact of Soviet design, architecture and art is reverberating to this very day, writes Christina Lodder in her introduction to this fascinating book


(L to R) Konstantin Melnikov, sketch of the USSR pavilion for the International Exhibition of Modern Decorative and Industrial Arts in Paris, 1925; Melnikov, project of USSR pavilion for New York 1964 International Exhibition; Melnikov and V Kurochnin, Gosplan garage in Moscow (1934–36); A restored to original state unit of the famous Constructivist housing of Communa 33/Commune 33 on Gogolevsky Boulevard, Moscow, by Studio Bazi; Varvara Stepanova, costume sketch for Mavrusha a character in Tarelkin’s Death, Meyerhold Theatre, Moscow, 1922

Soviet Design from Constructivism to Modernism 1920-1980
by Kristina Krasnyanskaya and Alexander Semenov
Scheidegger & Spiess £43.85

“...THE Russians have introduced a new energy and new artistic possibilities... pointing the direction they must follow to reach their ideal, the new human ideal: a constructive way of life. They are the children of the future.”
Lajos Kassak, 1922

IN THE 1920s, the world looked to the young Soviet Union as a byword for new approaches—not only in politics and social organisation, but also in various areas of artistic creativity, including art and design.

Radical creative figures in the rest of the world had been electrified by the Russian Revolution of October 1917 and were eager to learn about the innovative experiments that were being conducted by their colleagues in the young workers’ state.

Western artists and architects looked to those painters, sculptors, architects and designers who are associated with what we now call the heroic Russian avant-garde: figures like Vladimir Tatlin, Kazimir Malevich, El Lissitzky, Konstantin Melnikov and others who were committed to using their skills to build a new socialist world of freedom and equality.

The first opportunity for the West to see what had been achieved by these artists was the Erste Russische Kunstausstellung [First Russian Art Exhibition], which opened in Berlin in October 1922. Not surprisingly, the show drew enormous crowds.

Reviewers were particularly struck by Malevich’s Suprematist paintings, consisting of simple geometric forms in pure colours floating on white grounds, and were equally stunned by the completely non-objective counter-reliefs of Tatlin and his colleagues, constructed from banal, everyday materials.

Some commentators even grasped the social and utilitarian implications of these works, which seemed to be exploring the fundamental building blocks of form, of materials, of space.

The most inventive works in the exhibition encouraged German painters and sculptors to relinquish Expressionism and pursue more geometric approaches to art. Similarly, exposure to the most avant-garde Soviet art might also have prompted teachers at the Bauhaus to abandon the school’s craft orientation and adopt a more technological and industrial ethos.

That exhibition included some items of decorative art and some information about the new art schools, including the VKhUTEMAS (Higher Artistic and Technical Workshops), which had been set up by official decree on December 18 1920 as “a specialised educational institution for advanced artistic and technical training, created to prepare highly qualified master artists for industry as well as instructors and directors of professional and technical education.”

Like the Bauhaus, the school was an important centre for radical innovation in artistic education during the 1920s, developing a new methodology and revolutionising the way in which artists and designers were trained.

In 1923, El Lissitzky’s Proun Room provided an example of how the new geometric language of Suprematism might be applied to articulating a three-dimensional space. Using asymmetrical and dynamic compositions of geometric components, he explored the creative possibilities of the new style to orchestrate viewers’ sensations, actions and experiences rather than to produce a fully functional everyday environment.

Yet it was precisely this application of art to the more practical tasks of constructing the new Soviet society that was revealed a few years later in the Soviet display at the Exposition des arts decoratifs et industriels modernes [Exhibition of modern decorative and industrial arts], held in Paris in 1925.

Konstantin Melnikov’s Soviet Pavilion and Alexander Rodchenko’s Workers’ Club generated a great deal of discussion, were admired and awarded prizes. Both structures expressed the essence of revolutionary socialism. Both used unadorned, simple geometric forms and an economic type of skeletal construction. And both were explicitly ideological.

The hammer and sickle proudly surmounted the criss-cross structure over the staircase of Melnikov’s building, while Rodchenko presented Lenin’s name in the same modular system that he had used in designing the furniture for the Workers’ Club.

A simplified version of Tatlin’s Model for a Monument to the Third International was on display in the main section, along with a vast array of artefacts, including Suprematist-designed porcelain, all of which provided “a contrast to the luxury and wealth of other countries.”

While responses were not always positive, the new approaches to design were evident to all and evoked the appreciation of many.

The Soviet Union continued to create a sensation at the world fairs, promoting an image of modernity and progress. In Paris in 1937, at the Exposition internationale des arts et techniques dans la vie moderne [International Exhibition of Arts and Techniques in Modern Life], the extensive fenestration and the rhythm and repetition of the rectangular forms on the sides of the Soviet Pavilion conceived by Boris Iofan complemented the more historicist elements of the design, creating a sensation of dynamism that was emphasised by Vera Mukhina’s sculpture of the Male Worker and Female Collective Farmer, striding towards the future, heads held high and holding aloft the hammer and sickle.

Inside, the continuities with modernism were equally evident, especially in Nikolai Suetin’s slender columns on the staircase, which recalled Malevich’s own experiments with architectural Suprematism.

The whole presented a vivid, striking contrast to Albert Speer’s neo-classical building celebrating the Third Reich. Two years later, in 1939, at the New York World’s Fair, the modernist qualities of Iofan’s design were less evident, but still not entirely absent.

Throughout the 1920s and for some of the 1930s, Soviet architecture and design, committed to socialism, modernism and technology, stood in juxtaposition to the more conservative and traditional approaches embraced by many European countries, as well as to those of the industrially advanced, but socially unjust United States of America.

In 1927, the Exhibition of Contemporary Architecture in Moscow attracted enormous attention from foreign designers. Articles about Soviet art and architecture appeared frequently in the Western press and books such as El Lissitzky’s 1930 Russland. Die Rekon- struktion der Architektur in der Sowjetunion [The reconstruction of architecture in the Soviet Union] were popular among the creative intelligentsia.

During the Stalinist era and particularly in the years just before and just after the second world war, Soviet architects and designers tended to turn their backs on avant-garde approaches and produce furniture and buildings that sought to evoke an immutable classical elegance and a timeless quality in the solidity of their materials, their historical allusions and their ornate forms.

The gradual rediscovery of and re-engagement with the more modernist achievements of the 1920s started under Nikita Khrushchev and was stimulated in part by increased contact with the West. In the summer of 1959, Muscovites flooded to the American National Exhibition in Sokolniki Park.

Opened by Richard Nixon, the show was pure propaganda and contained an enormous range of items, selected to present a positive image of everyday life in the United States. Various works of American art, including the figurative paintings of Andrew Wyeth and the abstract works of Jackson Pollock, were shown alongside the latest fashions and mundane domestic items like washing machines.

Although Soviet officials argued that not everyone in the US enjoyed the facilities of the model kitchen on display, this did not prevent Soviet citizens from admiring America’s slickly designed, mass-produced consumer durables.

The experience encouraged Soviet artists and designers to move away from the creative precepts promoted under Stalin and actively pursue more contemporary styles.

Subsequently, the Higher Scientific and Research Institute of Technical Aesthetics and journals like Technical Aesthetics and Decorative Art began to explore once again the problems and issues first raised in the 1920s and the approaches to industrial and building design that had been developed then.

Today, the Soviet Union has vanished into history, but the architecture and designs that were produced during the 80-odd years of its existence remain — sometimes as concrete items, but often only as paper documents or photographs.

Nevertheless, these designs, the wealth of innovative ideas they embody, the ideals that inspired them, and the dream of creating a new world continue to attract, stimulate and encourage architects and designers everywhere.




Re: 2020 Election Results Show Biden Winning Electoral College

fkalosar101@...
 

Biden will draw the lesson that he was "too soft on socialism" and will double down on that before he inflates the defense budget, institutes a Federal-local SWAT force under the rubric of police reform, and agrees to slash Social Security and eliminate Medicaid.


Re: 2020 Election Results Show Biden Winning Electoral College

Louis Proyect
 

On 11/4/20 10:34 AM, workerpoet wrote:
New York magazine is a Democratic party rag echoing every DNC conspiracy and meme there is.  I hope they are right but I give them no credence.

I agree. Plus Jonathan Chait is the worst reporter on their staff. However, his analysis is sound. Pennsylvania and Michigan have a huge amount of mail-in ballots to count in a tight race. With most of them coming from Democrats, that makes Biden a favorite to win at this point. However, without a landslide vote, there was no chance of the Senate becoming majority Democratic. This will be like Obama's second term, with not even tepid reforms being realizable. However, i would expect Biden to clean house of all these agencies that Trump filled with scumbag lobbyists for the industries they were meant to regulate.


Re: 2020 Election Results Show Biden Winning Electoral College

workerpoet
 

New York magazine is a Democratic party rag echoing every DNC conspiracy and meme there is.  I hope they are right but I give them no credence.


2020 Election Results Show Biden Winning Electoral College

Louis Proyect
 


Some facts about this election

Louis Proyect
 

(Posted by Bruno Marcetic on FB.)


We don't know how this US election is going to pan out ultimately, and we might not until the end of the week. But even more depressing than this underwhelming result is seeing people, particularly those on my side of the political spectrum, simply repeating the Democratic excuse-making that Trump was simply too strong, too popular, and America too racist, for Trump to lose badly. That there was simply no one, no one at all, that could've done better than Joe Biden did tonight.

 

I cannot stress enough that this is absolute nonsense. Here are some facts about this election:

 

1. Joe Biden was a candidate so doddering and uninspiring, that his campaign strategy was to be neither seen nor heard by voters as much as possible. This was cheered on by newspapers and other Democratic officials as a stroke of genius.

 

2. To wit, in September - with barely more than 60 days to go - Biden took a third of that month off, his campaign simply announcing, sometimes at noon, sometimes as early as 9 in the morning, that Biden was calling it a day and would not be traveling or doing anything in public for the rest of the day.

 

3. Biden ran an overall strategy that he promoted in the 1980s, that has been a consistent loser for nearly every Democrat that has utilised it. That strategy is to forget about the traditional Democratic base (African-Americans, Latinos, the poor, union workers etc.), and to try win over wealthier, whiter suburbanites and other Republicans from the GOP, by running a corporate-friendly, conservative candidate who doesn't shake things up, versus a hard right Republican who inspires their base. Did you know there have only been two Democratic presidents in the last *40 years*? And only one this century? And both won by inspiring large turnout among African-Americans, Latinos, young people etc. Exactly the groups that, like Clinton four years ago, seem to have failed Biden this time.

 

4. Relatedly, Biden ran the same campaign Clinton ran in 2016 - to the point that his endorsement by some right-wing extremists and war criminals were announced almost to the day as those same people endorsed Clinton four years ago - that rested its hopes on Trump being so odious, people would vote against him instinctually. It failed in 2016. Then they ran it again, hoping that, now, a monumental public health & economic crisis would be enough to make pure anti-Trumpism a winner. Maybe things are finally so bad that it will. But it should not be this close.

 

5. While the Trump campaign spent months knocking on a million doors a week - basing their strategy, and you can look this up, on Obama's 2012 re-election - the Biden campaign didn't bother door-knocking until the start of *October*, after much public and internal criticism. They said it wasn't important. Now Democrat officials are saying it probably made the difference in Florida.

 

6. Another reason Biden lost Florida? Because Trump did shockingly well with the state's Latino and African-American populations, something that, particularly with Latinos, Trump appears to have replicated all across the country. In fact, according to an exit poll, Trump has increased his support among almost every single race and gender since 2016 ... all but white men.

 

7. I'm looking at the New York Times right now, and Republicans (right now) have made massive gains since 2016 in precincts that are majority Latino, urban, majority college graduates, majority black, and more; while Biden's gained with merely people over 65 and, slightly, white voters without college graduation. In one Texas county that's 96% Latino, a county that Clinton won by *60 points* in 2016, Biden won by - drum-roll - 5 points.

 

Make no mistake, this is a shameful, shameful failure, and it's the failure of not just this barely-existent candidate, but by the rapacious industry of consultants and political leeches who surrounded him, and preferred to risk another four years of calamity than upset their donors or ruin their chance of getting high-paying corporate jobs by promising anything bold.

 

All of this has happened in the midst of an epic social and political calamity Trump has proved entirely incapable, and even uninterested, in handling, one where billionaires have increased their wealth by $10 trillion and millions of people have been thrown off their health insurance in the middle of a pandemic, something Biden has repeatedly refused to respond to with a universal health care system, and has even begun backing away from his original public health insurance plan. The mail-in ballots may well give Biden the win when all is said and done, but it should never have been this close. This should've been the kind of landslide the US saw in 1932 and 1980.

 

Trump is not unbeatable. He's not a genius, He hasn't hypnotised millions with the magical powers of bigotry. He is a deeply unpopular, corrupt and inept leader who has had the fortune of competing against the most complacent, useless opponents possible. Whether he wins or loses, what is happening now is not a reflection of his strength, but of the profound weakness of his opposition.

 

 

   


For a More Perfect Fascism: On Victoria de Grazia’s “The Perfect Fascist” - Los Angeles Review of Books

Louis Proyect
 

Of course, The Perfect Fascist: A Story of Love, Power, and Morality in Mussolinis Italy is not an intellectual’s Italian Crime Story or Making a Fascist: this is a work of serious historical research by one of the great historians of Italian history. And, as de Grazia reminds us, the book is no simple biography. It is a microhistory of one man’s journey, one man’s decisions as he navigated the complicated, chaotic, confusing, sometimes nonsensical, often racist, misogynist, nativist, populist, oft-changing agendas and alliances of the fascist regime. The book illuminates not just the much broader dictatorial, ultra-nationalistic systems in place in Italy during the 1920s, ’30s, and ’40s, but also the very human and individual characteristics of the players and the victims — all agents in this theater — that rendered Italian fascism so impactful.

https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/for-a-more-perfect-fascism-on-victoria-de-grazias-the-perfect-fascist/


Roaming Charges: The Fuck Up - CounterPunch.org

Louis Proyect
 


Re: Speculation on 'Minority', especially Black, Participation in the 2020Election

workerpoet
 

"Biden was supposed to win Virginia and be a toss up in Florida and make a good showing in Georgia.  He did none of these.  Part of the reason is that the Democrats keep on insisting that they will nominate and run the only person who couldn't beat a village idiot."

Well he did carry Virginia but otherwise agree. This is all it can be in a broken, brainwashed, divided and sold out empire living past its time. It is a clusterfuck with no upside for the working class. As I wrote in a previous episodic selectoral spasm,

Another Pander-fest
of the cynical elite --
Bloodless gladiators
of the electronic coliseum
going at it with the
predetermined zeal
of TV wrestlers

A less than convincing battle
devoid of substance or
substantial differences,
for the Champeen o' da Woild
 
And just beyond
the world
continues
to
burn . . .


Re: Speculation on 'Minority', especially Black, Participation in the 2020Election

fkalosar101@...
 
Edited

Horse-race stumbling along in darkness.  Anything said now bound to look stupid later, but the scene being set for triumph on BLM Plaza in DC around six pm yesterday was edgy and angry with no feel of impending triumph.

There were no armed militias in evidence, but large-scale preparations for a big party or protest were in evidence from McPherson Square down to Lafayette Square. The usual chain-link fence was up around Lafayette Park , apparently extending all the way around the South Lawn.

I've been reading about a non-scalable fence that is being reported as something new related to the election, but AFAIK this is the new fence around the WH that has been in preparation for years--I think maybe since Obama, actually, in response to people scaling the old fence on several occasions. The chain-link fence with Jersey barrier anchors is the same as it's been for months.

A very loud go-go band was playing at the corner of 16th and K--the band leader kept complaining about people taking photographs, which I didn't understand. In general the mood was tense and unwelcoming--people seemed angry and on edge, and a little confused, as if wondering what they were supposed to be doing.

Further down toward the WH itself, the usual protest scene was unfolding--at this early hour, not such a big crowd: mostly young and white, milling around as usual. The chain-link barrier was completely covered in posters and other art and I saw a media guy climbing up on something to take a picture over it.

I saw two middle-class-looking white women performing an expressive dance with banners--just shiny colored cloth, not actual flags. Earnest young white people were putting the touches on various vital items of protest art--big painted eyes mostly.

Lots of media standups with the usual air of make-believe. This and the loud music were the clue that news is supposed to be happening and not just more White House protests as usual.

McPherson Square was lit up with floodlights and contained chairs, porta-potties, and a big blue screen with a public-service message on it.
 


Speculation on 'Minority', especially Black, Participation in the 2020Election

John A Imani
 

(JAI:  Biden was supposed to win Virginia and be a toss up in Florida and make a good showing in Georgia.  He did none of these.  Part of the reason is that the Democrats keep on insisting that they will nominate and run the only person who couldn't beat a village idiot.
 
(I would be not surprised to find that this election's black voting was lesser as a percentage of those registered to vote who turned out to cast their ballot compared to not just to such a ratio with Obama but also.with Hilary Clinton.  And I think that the right's attempts to limit the black and brown votes is a good sized portion of the reasons why.
 
(It was not just the legalese bullsht (akin to a poll tax prior to 1965), not just the necessity of ID, not just the necessity of the payment of all civil fines outstanding, not just the long-time disenfranchisement of inmates, not just the media disinformation campaigns but, and this is the danger, from the threat of white intimidation and/or violence.
 
(We are being treated exactly like we were in the 50s-early 60s by vigilante violence aided and abetted by law enforcement. 
 
(Though we are fighting back this time, today's resistance lacks a clear, unifying ideological raison d'etre and methodology like the animus, the spirit, that activated us (50's to 60's). turning us into men and no longer being ex-slaves:  The Deacons.  The Republic of New Africa.  The Nation of Islam which predated these.  The Panthers. which these movements gave birth to.  All these signaled the birth and growth of a black backbone. All of these signaling a determination to defend ourselves and not just take the sht that we had endured from 1619 on.  Lynchings all but disappeared after we asserted and enforced our right to self-defense.  Armed self-defense when facing armed attack.
 
(Now we have an 'Alfred E Newman', entrusted by the American 'people' with nuclear codes, a wanna-be 'tough guy' this coward, giving voice to the thoughts that these right wing bastards of the working class have long held in their minds if not on their lips.  Their hatreds for people of colors, held in abeyance by political 'correctness', are now let loose, aided by masses of media, tolerated even encouraged by 'law' enforcement, egged on by a clown missing only a round red nose
 
(So I wonder to what effect such intimidations had upon black (and brown sans Cuban) turnout.  Lots of our olders have a self-made tradition of casting their ballots at a polling place, not trusting mail-ins.  These of our race, the human race, who remember the terrors of the past are those most likely to have registered but who did not cast their ballot.  Normally, most likely to vote, they are most likely to be intimidated.  Those of us who are least likely to subject ourselves to such intimidation are, most unfortunately, those least likely to vote.
 
(Lastly:  The threat of right-wing violence will increase, no matter who wins this 'selection'.)


H-Net Review [Jhistory]: Morgan on Harrington-Lueker, 'Books for Idle Hours: Nineteenth-Century Publishing and the Rise of Summer Reading'

Andrew Stewart
 



---------- Forwarded message ---------
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW <h-review@...>
Date: Tue, Nov 3, 2020 at 9:13 PM
Subject: H-Net Review [Jhistory]: Morgan on Harrington-Lueker, 'Books for Idle Hours: Nineteenth-Century Publishing and the Rise of Summer Reading'
To: <h-review@...>
Cc: H-Net Staff <revhelp@...>


Donna Harrington-Lueker.  Books for Idle Hours: Nineteenth-Century
Publishing and the Rise of Summer Reading.  Amherst  University of
Massachusetts Press, 2018.  xiv + 229 pp.  $29.95 (paper), ISBN
978-1-62534-383-3; $90.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-62534-382-6.

Reviewed by Merritt Morgan (Independent Scholar)
Published on Jhistory (November, 2020)
Commissioned by Robert A. Rabe

Donna Harrington-Lueker, professor of English at Salve Regina
University in Newport, Rhode Island, has produced an important work
that offers a viable framework to the history of reading and print
culture during the second half of the nineteenth century in the
United States. This well-documented, riveting, and scholarly approach
to the surging development of summer reading brilliantly reveals the
enthusiastic middle-class consumers' interest in the new, fashionable
phenomenon. In utilizing a variety of primary sources, particularly
diaries, letters, newspapers, and novels of the period, along with
the assimilation of secondary sources, Harrington-Lueker sees the
rise in summer reading as a cultural and commercial marker that
paralleled concepts of summer travel and leisure time, particularly
among the emerging middle class. In setting a course for the rising
demand for printed materials that promoted the new traffic of ideas,
facts, and fashions in nineteenth-century American culture,
Harrington-Lueker situates summer reading among the emerging middle
class as a reputable indulgence, giving a particular focus to the
increasing acceptance of the leisure experience with the cheap
paperback book.

Documenting the rising demand for printed materials during the
nineteenth century in the United States, the book explores how
distinctive social developments and marketing strategies intersected
with the story of summer reading and the summer novel. During the
expansion of print culture and summer reading, more classifications
of subcultures and ideological definitions of family life contributed
significantly to shaping middle-class identity. Harrington-Lueker
explores the new American cultural ideas that emerged with the rise
of summer leisure and reading practices that coalesced with the
publishers' hopes to capitalize on the period's new, subtle
marketplace. In analyzing the conditions for summer reading and
leisure as a necessity among the emerging urban middle class,
particularly giving focus to the second half of the nineteenth
century, she explains that US publishing companies increasingly
targeted specialized readerships, especially among the expanding
women's domain and female vacationers,  many of whom had a keen
interest in finding a marriageable male.     

In chapter 1, Harrington-Lueker begins her story of how summer
reading and print culture intersected with the rise of the
commercialization of tourism, travel, and summer leisure. The book
surveys how print products launched the branding of the summer
leisure experience that became popular among the white Protestant
middle class and higher-social-status African American families,
primarily along the East Coast and in heavily populated areas of the
Midwest. Chapter 2 focuses on the publishing houses' business agenda
and the literary press that explored the diametrical posturing
between acceptance of and concern over newfound tastes for summer
reading, particularly cheap paperback novels. Nineteenth-century
religious and social reformers charted the parameters for legality,
morality, and sinfulness that resulted in messy margins where
publishers could capitalize on economic activities. Harrington-Lueker
weighs an argument between "the machinery of publishing" (p. 60) and
its highly successful marketing techniques that demonstrate how
publishers promoted summer reading as an acceptable indulgence
repositioning the commodity of leisure experiences within gendered
spaces.

Brilliantly illuminating how summer readers framed their adaptability
and charting the approaches to leisure fulfillment found in the
summer novel, chapter 3 explores various authors and titles in depth,
from some relatively obscure writers to the famous Louisa May Alcott.
Analyzing common themes of love, obsession, and war, as well as
critiques of the Gilded Age's lavishness, this chapter focuses on the
new genre of the summer novel that proved remarkably and increasingly
varied in the surging literary marketplace. Studying novelists who
looked to market trends and pondered the details of their experiences
in life for inspiration, chapter 4 discusses in further depth how the
popular summer novel integrated summer settings to promote the
commodity of summer books and further associated them with summer
leisure. In sections covering the economic boundaries involved with
selling summer reading novels and with a significant emphasis on the
works and influence of the famous novelist William Dean Howells, this
chapter reinforces how summer leisure settings were instrumental in
driving audience preferences for the most popular novels in the
course of fulfilling commercial activity.

Chapter 5 outlines some of the everyday ideologies and complexities
of reader practices among the summer's social spaces where they found
themselves. Discussing places such as libraries, resorts, cottages,
parks, and crowded verandas, Harrington-Lueker recounts how summer
readers, as market consumers in social and shared places, forged
their identity among the summer leisure cultural currents. Rounding
out the volume is a chapter on summer reading, Catholic circles, and,
most fascinating, the powerful Chautauqua movement. In the 1870s,
Chautauqua's educational and tourist center in western New York State
became a national movement offering a wide variety of
special-interest Christian courses that catered primarily to
middle-class women. The chapter closes with an emphasis on dominant
ideologies that positioned summer reading as a respectable leisure
activity and a crucial investment in education, the study of culture,
and self-improvement.

Teeming with ideas about this ongoing publishing phenomenon during
the period of rapidly changing social identity, _Books for Idle
Hours_ illuminates the period's consumer culture in a reimagined
America. Covering print culture and the history of reading after
America had become an imperial nation, Harrington-Lueker explains how
the new middle class saw America and used some of their summertime
leisure to rethink the significant changes happening around them.
Harrington-Lueker's work is a most valuable contribution to the
histories of reading and print culture. The only small oversight is a
lack of focus on the reading of play scripts. As a common element of
everyday reading culture, particularly in antebellum New York City,
scripts crossed paths with other types of reading materials and made
up a significant part of the print trade industry.[1] Despite this,
the book remains an excellent study of the summer reading experience
and its effect on the social order and the print culture economy that
remains largely unstudied by scholars.

Note

[1]. Paul Erickson, "Economies of Print in the Nineteenth-Century
City," in _Capitalism by Gaslight: Illuminating the Economy of
Nineteenth-Century America_, ed.  Brian P. Luskey and Wendy A.
Woloson (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2015),
190-214; 190-95.

Citation: Merritt Morgan. Review of Harrington-Lueker, Donna, _Books
for Idle Hours: Nineteenth-Century Publishing and the Rise of Summer
Reading_. Jhistory, H-Net Reviews. November, 2020.
URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=55512

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons
Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States
License.




--
Best regards,

Andrew Stewart


The elephant (and the donkey) in the room – Tempest

Louis Proyect
 

Reflecting on the end of the election period, Luis Meiners compares the sharp attention to issues of empire paid by the U.S. establishment, with the relative silence on the part of much of the U.S. Left.

https://www.tempestmag.org/2020/11/the-elephant-and-the-donkey-in-the-room/