Date   

Re: Ezekial Emanuel on Biden team

fkalosar101@...
 

It isn't surprising that this son of an Irgun bus-bomber would espouse the euthanasia provisions of standard Nazi eugenics and medical rationing of items in short supply--vaccines?  Bioethicist indeed--"red in tooth and claw" is more like it. Like father, like son. (https://www.facebook.com/notes/stop-the-war/rahm-emanuels-father-specialized-in-bus-bombings-in-palestine/391990964403/)  

Rahm Emanuel held a US security clearance under Obama while serving in a foreign military (the IDF) that, by any rational standard must be considered a terrorist organization. As mayor of Chicago, his handling of construction contract earned him the sobriquet "Rahmfather."  He was famous for waving knives around and shouting "kill" in White House meetings. and erupting in nonstop explosions of vile profanity against anyone who crossed him. 

Ari Emanuel is Hollywood's most powerful talent agent--in other words, at least as big a dog as Harvey Weinstein used to be.  Very little is allowed to be printed about Ari, so one must draw one's own conclusions.  Wikipedia vouchsafes the following titbit:

An April 2002 lawsuit by agent Sandra Epstein against Endeavor Agency brought forth accusations by Epstein and other Endeavor employees against Emanuel. In the court filings, Emanuel is alleged to have allowed a friend to operate a pornographic website out of Endeavor's offices. According to Epstein, Emanuel made racist and anti-gay remarks and prevented her from sending a script about Navy SEALs to actor Wesley Snipes, saying: "That is the dumbest thing I've ever heard. Everyone knows that blacks don't swim."[20] Emanuel disputed these accusations at the time. Epstein's claims were settled for $2.25 million.[20]
In March 2013, it was revealed that Emanuel was unhappy with an interview of him and his two brothers conducted by NBC anchor Brian Williams. According to the New York Post, Emanuel was not pleased with the tone of the interview, according to a source.[21] Emanuel's lawyer sent a letter to NBC over the perceived issue.[22]

Biden's penchant for er, um, questionable family dynasties (like the Cuomos) continues unabated.  This scares me--as does his vicious dog Chanp, which bit Joe in the face in 2015--pix all over the news.  So cuddly-warm and enbracing.

For some reason--can't think why--I'm reminded of the following snippet from Robert Lowell's "Memories of West Street and Lepke," a brief poetic account of Lowell's year-long incarceration as a conscientious objector during World War II:

Strolling, I yammered metaphysics with Abramowitz,
a jaundice-yellow (“it’s really tan”)   
and fly-weight pacifist,
so vegetarian,
he wore rope shoes and preferred fallen fruit.   
He tried to convert Bioff and Brown,
the Hollywood pimps, to his diet.
Hairy, muscular, suburban,
wearing chocolate double-breasted suits,
they blew their tops and beat him black and blue





The Next Donald Trump (per Sunkara)

Ken Hiebert
 

( I use the word “we’"somewhat loosely.  In fact, I live outside the US.)

Sunkara has a point.  So we dodged a bullet this time.  But who’s to say what we will be confronted with in 4 years, or 8 years, or 12.  If our fate is tied to the continuation of the Democratic party in office, we’re in trouble.  It’s unlikely that they will pull off the miracle of staying in office into the indefinite future.

Seen in strictly electoral terms, it’s hard to see our way out of this mess.  At what point do we break from the Democratic Party and launch a left challenge?  If this year was not the right time, what reason do we have to believe that we will be better placed next time?

All I can suggest, and it’s hardly original, is on the ground organizing for whatever it is that can gain some traction.  Sunkara makes some proposals to do this.

But he also warns against “narrow identitarianism.”  Is this why he makes no mention of Black Lives Matter?  It seems to me that, whatever happens in elections, a powerful anti-racist movement will be a bulwark against reaction.  Similarly for a strong women's movement and LGBT struggles.  In my view, building these movements does not cut us off from organizing beyond our ranks.

ken h


Fw: [Peace] My Election Assessment on KPFA: Multiracial Democracy vs. The "White Republic"

george snedeker
 

Here is something you may find of interest in our post election world from Max Elbaum:
*********

Family and friends,

Host Mitch Jeserich interviewed me for an hour yesterday on KPFA's Letters and Politics program; we covered the election results, their meaning, and their implications for radical activism in the weeks, months and years ahead:

What History Tells Us About the Election: Multiracial Democracy vs. The Pre-1965 "White Republic":

https://kpfa.org/player/?audio=344850

I also encourage you to check out this article by Carl Davidson and Bill Fletcher, Jr.,
"Post-Election Reckoning: New Hypotheses for the Road Ahead":

https://organizingupgrade.com/the-post-election-reckoning-new-hypotheses-for-the-road-ahead/

Please post your comments on Bill and Carl's piece on the OrgUp site, or send replies to me to get them in the hopper.

Saturday November 14, 5 to 6:30 pm Pacific Time I'll be leading a session on 'The Post-Election Challenge' as part of the Oakland Summer School Fall Program. For more information and to register go to the link below; while you are on the site check out the many other interesting sessions in the schedule:
https://oaklandsummerschool.org/#tab-id-2-active

if you missed the November 5 panel co-hosted by The Indypendent (New York's Free Paper for Free People) and Organizing Upgrade featuring New York City Council candidate Moumita Ahmed, Waging Nonviolence Editor Eric Stoner, CUNY scholar and activist Yasemin Ozer, you can watch the recording at:

https://www.facebook.com/OrganizingUpgrade/videos/1711360109045483

Finally, on Monday, November 23, I'll be on a panel discussing the election as part of the Committees of Correspondence for Democracy and Socialism 'Fourth Monday' series. Details will be on my Facebook page when they are available

Stay safe everyone,
Max


Max Elbaum
he/him
-
https://organizingupgrade.com/
https://revolutionintheair.org/
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Re: Green vote?

Mark Lause
 

Sorry for the bad editing.  shouldn't try to do this on the phone.  :-)

On Tue, Nov 10, 2020 at 2:49 PM Mark Lause <markalause@...> wrote:
The possibilities for doing something with the existing Green party may vary with the nature of the local and state organization, but any national strategy for reorganization is going to require national action on some very basic measures.

I would not favor any blanket exclusion of anyone voting or campaigning for Democratic candidates be excluded, but those who do so in preference to Green candidates should be disqualified from holding leadership positions within the Green Party, speak on its behalf, or be nominated to run for office as Greens.

These are as basic to having a real party than would be the swallow reflex for any viable organism.  Until we decide that what we're building shouldn't be led by people who don't want it built, we are wasting our time . . . at least in this state and, I suspect, most of the other fly-over states.

Solidarity,
Mark L.



Re: Green vote?

Mark Lause
 

The possibilities for doing something with the existing Green party may vary with the nature of the local and state organization, but any national strategy for reorganization is going to require national action on some very basic measures.

I would not favor any blanket exclusion of anyone voting or campaigning for Democratic candidates be excluded, but those who do so in preference to Green candidates should be disqualified from holding leadership positions within the Green Party, speak on its behalf, or be nominated to run for office as Greens.

These are as basic to having a real party than would be the swallow reflex for any viable organism.  Until we decide that what we're building shouldn't be led by people who don't want it built, we are wasting our time . . . at least in this state and, I suspect, most of the other fly-over states.

Solidarity,
Mark L.



REGISTER NOW! International Online Cuba Concert

Louis Proyect
 


Intrigue: Mayday - background reading

Louis Proyect
 

Today sees the start of the new series of BBC Radio 4's superb podcast programme Intrigue. This series, entitled Mayday, focuses on the late James Le Mesurier, British founder of free Syria's Civil Defence service, the White Helmets. The series also looks at the co-ordinated disinformation campaign against James and the White Helmets, touching on the role of the so-called Working Group on Syria, Propaganda and Media in this campaign.

You can read about it herewatch the trailer here, or download the whole series now. It is produced, written and presented by: Chloe Hadjimatheou, working with a team including researcher Tom Wright. 

In this post, I have just brought together some of the essential background reading on the story.

http://brockley.blogspot.com/2020/11/intrigemayday-background-reading.html


Deep fake pop link

jenorem
 


Deep fake pop music

jenorem
 

Artificial intelligence is being used to create new songs seemingly performed by Frank Sinatra and other dead stars. ‘Deepfakes’ are cute tricks – but they could change pop for ever

Shares
974


‘It’s Christmas time! It’s hot tub time!” sings Frank Sinatra. At least, it sounds like him. With an easy swing, cheery bonhomie, and understated brass and string flourishes, this could just about pass as some long lost Sinatra demo. Even the voice – that rich tone once described as “all legato and regrets” – is eerily familiar, even if it does lurch between keys and, at times, sounds as if it was recorded at the bottom of a swimming pool.



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H-Net Review [H-Asia]: Nguyen on Lipman, 'In Camps: Vietnamese Refugees, Asylum Seekers, and Repatriates'

Andrew Stewart
 



---------- Forwarded message ---------
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW <h-review@...>
Date: Tue, Nov 10, 2020 at 1:28 PM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-Asia]: Nguyen on Lipman, 'In Camps: Vietnamese Refugees, Asylum Seekers, and Repatriates'
To: <h-review@...>
Cc: H-Net Staff <revhelp@...>


Jana K. Lipman.  In Camps: Vietnamese Refugees, Asylum Seekers, and
Repatriates.  Critical Refugee Studies Series. Oakland  University of
California Press, 2020.  Illustrations. 319 pp.  $29.95 (paper), ISBN
978-0-520-34366-5.

Reviewed by Phi-Vân Nguyen (Université de Saint-Boniface)
Published on H-Asia (November, 2020)
Commissioned by Bradley C. Davis

Jana K. Lipman is a history professor specializing in the social
history of US foreign policy. Her most recent book, _In Camps:
Vietnamese Refugees, Asylum Seekers, and Repatriates_, is the first
publication of the Critical Refugee Studies series published by the
University of California Press. The book analyzes the politics of
refugee protection during the Southeast Asian refugee crisis between
1975 and 2005. It seeks to answer "questions that remain all too
relevant today: Who is a refugee? Who determines this status? And how
do the experiences of refugees resonate at the highest political
levels and in local communities that are often imagined to be in the
most peripheral places?" (p. 4).

While much attention has been given to the context of departure and
the policies of countries of destination, this book claims that one
must not overlook what happens between these two points, in countries
of temporary asylum and processing centers. The book challenges the
idea that camps are irrelevant to the politics of refugee protection
and that refugees are apolitical and passive victims. In fact, a
close analysis of camps, their organization, and forms of protests in
camps, as well as the relationships between the host country and the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), or its former
colonial power or current ally, such as the United Kingdom or the
United States, reveals that time, place, and context strongly
influence whether a person qualifies as a refugee. This approach
shows both the contingent and dynamic nature of refugee status
determination, and its underlying politics.

The book uses various UNHCR archives; governmental documents from the
United Kingdom, the United States, Hong Kong, and a few from
Malaysia; and newspaper articles from the Philippines, Malaysia, Hong
Kong, and Guam. _In Camps_ is not an exhaustive study of all camps in
Southeast Asia. It focuses on Guam, Malaysia, the Philippines, and
Hong Kong. Each chapter analyzes a different camp at different times
between 1975 and 2005. The first chapter studies the embarrassment of
the US government and Guam authorities when two thousand refugees
debarked there and demanded to return to Vietnam in 1975. The next
chapter argues that Malaysia's refusal to host refugees in 1978 led
the UNHCR and the United States to find a solution to the refugee
crisis by organizing a conference in July 1979, allowing persons
arriving in special processing centers to qualify as de facto
refugees. The third chapter studies how the opening of a camp in the
Philippines responded to international efforts to establish a
temporary refugee center all the while satisfying the Filipino
government's desire to develop the Bataan economy where the camp was
located. Chapter 4 examines how frustrations expressed in Hong Kong
pushed the United Nations to end the recognition of refugee status to
persons arriving in these camps. Chapter 5 studies the transnational
mobilization of public opinion against the forced repatriation of
rejected asylum seekers back to Vietnam from 1989 to 1997. The last
chapter examines how many refugees resettled in Palawan between 1996
to 2005, thanks to the efforts of local Catholic communities. The
book ends with an epilogue reflecting on the US Department of
Homeland and Security's decision to deport any Vietnamese who had
been convicted of a deportable offense in 2017.

The book's strongest parts focus on what happened in these temporary
places of transition. Previous scholarship on the Southeast Asian
refugee crisis has mostly studied the lived experience of
displacement, such as the escape from Vietnam, life in camps, or the
challenges of integrating into resettlement countries.[1] A few have
analyzed the politics of refugee protection from a legal, regional,
or national perspective.[2] Lipman's book contributes to this second
trend of the literature. First, it shows that politics are definitely
involved in refugee protection. Second, the book demonstrates that a
close study of the politics of refugee protection requires an
analysis looking across local, regional, and international
dimensions. It takes a global look at these camps and uses the
analytical framework of empire studies to understand this refugee
crisis. These new insights, applied to the study of international
relations during the Cold War, have shown that superpowers were not
the only ones influencing their allies' policies. Smaller countries
also played an outsized role because they were the ones who mediated
and enabled the superpower's influence across the globe.[3] _In
Camps_ shows that small countries of temporary asylum are neither
interchangeable nor negligible, and that they are key actors in the
politics of refugee protection. The book's focal point on the
regional level and on activism in camps is therefore a significant
contribution to the understanding of refugee protection.

However, the book suffers from several shortcomings. The biggest
problem lies in the interpretive choice of using case studies to make
larger claims on the Southeast Asian refugee crisis. _In Camps_ warns
the reader that it focuses on the departure by sea and therefore
leaves aside the Orderly Departure Program, which allowed the UNHCR
to screen potential applicants for resettlement overseas from within
Vietnam, and refugees in camps in China, Vietnam, or Thailand.
However, the author does not explain how this choice has significant
implications on the analysis. By focusing on Vietnamese refugees
leaving by boat, _In Camps_ gives the impression that their fate was
not related to those escaping overland. And by ignoring the
humanitarian crisis on mainland Southeast Asia, it also cannot take
into account the impact of the Third Indochina War (briefly mentioned
on page 57) and the ten-year-long Vietnamese occupation of Cambodia
on the global protection of refugees.

Using specific case studies spanning from 1975 to 2005 also raises an
important question: can individual case studies explain what happened
elsewhere in the region? Lipman invites the reader to "move" or
"travel" from one camp to another, without justifying the choice of
each case study (pp. 19-20). Without knowing if each of these camps
are key actors, representative of other camps, or an exception rather
than the rule, the reader cannot appreciate the analytical value of
these case studies. 

Some chapters seem to overstretch the importance of certain events
relevant to that camp only, at the expense of other developments
occurring in the region. Chapter 2 claiming that Malaysia's
reluctance to host refugees led to the creation of an international
system of refugee resettlement in 1979 is a case in point. According
to Lipman, Malaysia's position reflected its determination to defend
its sovereignty and popular anxieties toward ethnic Chinese arriving
by boats, and pushed the UNHCR and the United States to find a
solution for the refugee crisis so that they would not have to carry
the burden alone. But the chapter fails to put what happened in
Malaysia into perspective. The chapter opens with Mohamed Mahathir's
explosive declaration on June 5, 1979, that he will pass a bill
allowing coast guards to shoot newcomers at sight. The hope was that
this would shock public opinion and push both the United States and
the UNHCR to change their policy. In reality, the call to change the
international policy was made a week earlier, on May 31, when the
newly elected British prime minister, Margaret Thatcher, urged the
secretary general to convene an international conference.

It is just as hard to accept the claim that "the Malaysian government
forged its own path.... It would allow thousands of Vietnamese to
stay..., but it would do so on its own terms" (p. 54). In fact, most
of its decisions mimicked the policies of other Southeast Asian
countries. For example, chapter 2 says that Malaysia's refusal to let
the _Hai Hong_, a cargo ship loaded with 2,500 people, land on its
coast proved a turning point for Malaysia's policy and the management
of the refugee crisis in the region. But the chapter does not explain
that the Indonesian coast guards had already pushed the same boat
back to international waters, and that Singapore and Australia had
flat out announced that they would not let it disembark its
passengers just days before.[4] Finally, it is disappointing to see
that _In Camps_ only mentions that "Thailand and Hong Kong were
tipping points" in the crisis, while giving the impression that
Malaysia alone inspired a change of policy from the UNHCR and the
United States (p. 79). Things were much more complicated.

These examples all point to the same conclusion. It is difficult, if
not impossible, to focus on one case study to explain the making of
an international solution. It seems even more complicated to do so
when the solution itself had to be solved multilaterally precisely
because it involved refusals and lack of commitment from so many
actors. It was because the refugee crisis was no one's problem that
it had to become everybody's problem. Like so many other
international events, monocausal approaches cannot explain the
refugee crisis and its settlement. Certain historical events are
international in nature and require a global analysis of their
causes, even when zooming into smaller local or national case
studies. The Southeast Asian refugee crisis is one of them.

Any beginner wishing a broad overview of the Southeast Asian refugee
crisis should stick with more general narratives, such as general
accounts of UNHCR history_ _(_The State of the World's Refugees 2000:
Fifty Years of Humanitarian Action_ [2000]) or Courtland Robinson's
previous study (_Terms of Refuge: The Indochinese Exodus and
International Response_ [1998]). But Lipman's book underscores the
politics of refugee protection, the dynamics involved, its contested
nature, the fluid process of refugee protection, and the role of
refugees and intermediary states in this process. For all these
reasons, _In Camps_ is a welcome contribution to the understanding of
the Southeast Asian refugee crisis.

Citation: Phi-Vân Nguyen. Review of Lipman, Jana K., _In Camps:
Vietnamese Refugees, Asylum Seekers, and Repatriates_. H-Asia, H-Net
Reviews. November, 2020.
URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=55494

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons
Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States
License.




--
Best regards,

Andrew Stewart


H-Net Review [H-Italy]: Ramadhani Mussa on Burdett and Polezzi, 'Transnational Italian Studies (Transnational Modern Languages)'

Andrew Stewart
 



---------- Forwarded message ---------
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW <h-review@...>
Date: Tue, Nov 10, 2020 at 12:54 PM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-Italy]: Ramadhani Mussa on Burdett and Polezzi, 'Transnational Italian Studies (Transnational Modern Languages)'
To: <h-review@...>
Cc: H-Net Staff <revhelp@...>


Charles Burdett, Loredana Polezzi, eds.  Transnational Italian
Studies (Transnational Modern Languages).  Liverpool  Liverpool
University Press, 2020.  xix + 390 pp.  $49.95 (paper), ISBN
978-1-78962-138-9; $121.96 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-78962-137-2.

Reviewed by Kombola T. Ramadhani Mussa (Cardiff University)
Published on H-Italy (November, 2020)
Commissioned by Matteo Pretelli

Thinking Transnationally: New Challenges in Italian Studies

_Transnational Italian studies_, edited by Charles Burdett and
Loredana Polezzi, is part of the Transnational Modern Languages
Series, whose main aim is to show how modern languages can, on an
academic level as well as on a more practical one, benefit from a
transnational approach able to challenge the generally predominant
national model. Furthermore, the series demonstrates that a
transnational perspective also constitutes at present the most
appropriate lens through which to analyze and understand the changing
world we are living in.

In the introduction, the editors clearly explain the reasons behind
the volume but they also offer a lucid examination of how the field
of Italian studies has developed. When the discipline was first
introduced in British universities, the curriculum was focused on the
study of the Italian language and literature. By adopting a national
and homogeneous vision, reinforced by strict adhesion to the dictates
of the literary canon, Italian studies as an academic field has
contributed to affirming a national tradition predating the
historical formation of the Italian nation. As with other modern
language disciplines, Italian studies has been influenced by the
development of cultural studies. However, this has not changed the
idea that national cultures are separate and predominantly
monolingual. Yet this viewpoint has become clearly inadequate to
offer a thorough understanding of modern-day Italy. A national
perspective which still follows the line of an established canon,
although practically useful, has prevented the recognition of new
voices, social phenomena, and intercultural intersections that can be
profitably examined only through a broader framework. By presenting
Italian studies as a homogeneous academic field, this model has also
obscured its porosity and blocked the understanding of cultures that
are always evolving. A transnational approach, instead, invites us to
look at Italy as a plurilingual and multicultural space where we can
observe different languages, such as regional dialects and minority
languages, and multifarious experiences of mobility. This model makes
looking beyond the national territory indispensable and challenges
the importance of the nation-state as a unique category of inquiry.
In this regard, what has been termed a "transnational turn"--that is,
the shift from a national to a transnational model--represents a
necessary attempt to deal with the complex challenges of modern Italy
and the current world. Seen in this light, Italy constitutes an
exceptionally stimulating laboratory and object of research. In fact,
using Emma Bond's words, to which many contributors of the volume
refer, one may say that "the Italian case is, perhaps, at once
peculiarly trans-national and trans-nationally peculiar: historically
a space characterized by both internal and external transit and
movement, Italy itself can be imagined as a hyphenated, in-between
space created by the multiple crossings that etch its geographical
surfaces and cultural depths."[1]

This engaging book shows the fruitfulness of adopting this approach.
It is divided into four parts: "Language," "Spatiality,"
"Temporality," and "Subjectivity." These are not intended as rigid
divisions, but they identify the central topics each section is
predominantly concerned about. The first focuses on the complexities
of language, multilingualism, and translation as a critical
instrument of cultural analysis. The second section includes
contributions on experiences of places and the importance of
belonging. The third addresses conceptions of temporality within
cultures. Finally, the last section explores the significance of
subjectivity and its intricate interdependence with alterity. 

In the chapter that opens the first section, Loredana Polezzi offers
readers a fascinating overview of the many roles of translation in
different historical periods. By underlining its importance, Polezzi
shows translation to be a fundamental interpretative key to analyzing
cultural processes and understanding the complex Italian fabric.
Asking what national products are translated and what happens when
they are exported, as Polezzi also highlights, makes political
dynamics visible; it reveals how decisions about translation of
particular texts often reflect specific purposes, and influence the
way Italy perceives and narrates itself. Translation is also
discussed in the following chapter, where Andrea Rizzi looks at
fifteenth- and sixteenth-century translators as important cultural
intermediaries who, by traveling throughout Europe, disseminated
knowledge and exchanged ideas while, at the same time, promoting
cultural interactions. Stefania Tufi's essay foregrounds the
Linguistic Landscape (LL) of Italian cities. The contemporary urban
space becomes thus a perfect site for studying Italian
multilingualism and addressing questions related to movements of
people, citizenship, and national belonging. In the chapter that
concludes the first section, Naomi Wells, drawing on her fieldwork
with migrant communities at Centro Zonarelli in Bologna, offers an
analysis of new migration patterns and forms of multilingualism. She
also argues that a methodological approach that combines linguistic
analysis with an ethnographic orientation is particularly apt for
comprehending the multifaceted complexities of modern societies. 

The second section is opened by Nathalie Hester's essay, which offers
two examples of the epic tradition in Baroque Italian travel
literature: the _Viaggi_ (1650-63) by Pietro della Valle and
_L'America_ (1650) by Girolamo Bartolomei. These two different texts
illustrate the roles at a political, religious, and economic level
that the Italian peninsula, which at the time was locally and
regionally fragmented, played in European expansion. Clorinda Donato
then offers an overview, from a transnational angle, of
eighteenth-century Italy's intellectual figures, who by moving across
boundaries exposed and promoted their lifestyles. By highlighting the
value of their collective work, Donato describes the prestige of
Italy as a point of reference and center of cultural exchange. The
third chapter looks at the role of Italian performers who, between
1880 and the beginning of the twentieth century, emigrated from Italy
to the United States. It reveals their impact on the American film
industry, the significance of the interactions between the American
and Italian cinematographic scenes. The chapter also highlights the
special contribution of southern Italians to the consolidation of a
stereotypical idea of Italianness for the American audience. Teresa
Fiore's chapter illustrates how the transnational approach allows us
to rethink Italian studies, bringing to the fore Italian history of
mobility. Through an analysis of different cultural texts, Fiore also
shows that a focus on aspects related to migration (both inward and
outward) and colonialism is pivotal to deepening our understanding of
Italy's past and present. Jennifer Burns's essay ends the section
with an exploration of how migrants and members of minority groups
identify the notion of home. Their mobility is reflected in the fact
that home is seen not just as a physical space but as a continuing
process that can be termed "homing." Burns analyzes the objects and
the practices identified as "home" and explains how narratives of
home and belonging can refer to private and public spaces, but also,
for example, to digital communities.

In the opening chapter of the third section, David Bowe applies a
transnational lens to examine premodern texts written before Italy
became a nation. By focusing on works investigating the self,
authored by Guittone D'Arezzo, Dante Alighieri, and Francesco
Petrarca, Bowe shows how our notion of time and our understanding of
temporalities determine the way we read cultures of the past. Moving
to the sixteenth century, Eugenia Paulicelli discusses the importance
of the language of fashion to the formation of national identity. By
analyzing costume books, regarded as examples of visual culture, and
Baldassare Castiglione's _Book of the Courtier_, Paulicelli explains
how fashion and ways of dressing can be used to understand both the
local and global contexts. Subsequently, Donna Gabaccia examines the
crucial role of translation in enabling migrants who, between 1880
and 1960, moved from Sicily, and specifically the town of Sambuca, to
the United States to be counted and tracked. In this respect
translation is also a source of insight into the nation-building
projects of these two nations as well as their conceptions of
citizenship. In the latter part of this section, Charles Burdett
explains why reflection on the Italian colonial past and the
pervasive influence of its effects and consequences on our present is
necessary if we are to think of Italy and its cultures
transnationally. By analyzing works by writers such as Erminia
Dell'Oro, Nicky Di Paolo, or Gabriella Ghermandi, Burdett's essay
shows how texts on Italian expansionism and its aftermath bring to
the fore the question of time, revealing the interlocking of past,
present, and future. Turning to graphic novels, Barbara Spadaro
examines how Italian comics foreground various forms of memory,
language, and translation. She looks at Zerocalcare's _Kobane
Calling_ (2015) and Takoua Ben Mohamed's work, emphasizing how their
comics can be considered as the result of different cultures and
transnational movements. By combining visual and written elements,
Spadaro also argues, comics enable multimodal processes and represent
an effective tool to narrate the present world. 

In the first chapter of the concluding section, Tristan Kay reflects
on Dante's literary production, revealing that forms of
multilingualism, translation, and mobility characterized the Italian
culture of that time. In their chapter Fabio Camilletti and
Alessandra Diazzi analyze the influence of Freud's understanding of
subjectivity on Italian culture. They discuss the reception of
psychoanalysis, a hybrid form of knowledge, which was imported from
outside and crosses cultures and disciplines. In the essay that
follows_, _Derek Duncan examines Daniele Gaglianone's 2013 film _La
mia_ _classe_,_ _which describes the relationship between an
Italian-language teacher and his students with a migrant background
for whom Italian is not their first language. By examining the film,
Duncan explains that human mobility cannot be adequately comprehended
within national or linguistic borders. In her essay, Monica Jensen
addresses the cultural memory of events that took place during the
2001 G8 Summit held in Genoa. By focusing on Christian Mirra's
graphic novel _Quella notte alla Diaz_ (2010), Carlo Bachschmidt's
documentary _Black Block_ (2011), and Daniele Vicari's film
_Diaz--Don't Clean Up This Blood_ (2012), she argues that the tragic
impact of those events has been crucial in the formation of a
transnational and transgenerational subjectivity. In the last chapter
of the section, Serena Bassi offers an example of how a transnational
approach can be usefully applied to queer studies. In particular she
focuses on the Italian gay movement of the 1970s and on the impact of
its creative and linguistic practices. These not only challenged the
notion of a standard national language but also opposed
heteronormativity.

As underlined by Teresa Fiore in her chapter, the long and
complicated process that unified separate and different regional
areas into one nation probably explains why in the discipline of
Italian studies, as practiced abroad but also in Italy, the national
model has been particularly tenacious and less capable of opening up
to innovative approaches. However, the shift from a national to a
transnational focus seems crucial in conceiving the future of Italian
studies, in thinking how it can make sense of a world where
increasing mobility is strongly counteracted by widespread
nationalist ideologies. The Italian cultural and social contexts can
be deeper and better explored by focusing on "those spaces
pre-occupied by the cultures and politics of past mobility, and [on]
the impact they have (had) on the present" (p. 163). Adopting a
transnational viewpoint enables us to visualize Italian studies
differently, bringing to the fore aspects and connections which are
not immediately related to the idea we have of the Italian nation,
culture, and language. Moreover, the transnational draws attention to
new voices whose works are categorized as noncanonical and marginal,
such as those by Italian migrant writers, in which we can see the
coexistence of forms of multilingualism and self-translation. These
hybrid texts question the notion of national language and of a
monolingual national culture. 

In these crucial times Italian studies finds itself in, it is
necessary to provide flexible but solid critical tools which can be
applied to studying and comprehending dynamics and questions that
cannot be examined within geographic and political borders. Among
these instruments of critical analysis, as argued by Polezzi, we have
to include translation. We are used to thinking of translation merely
as a practical activity and of a translated text as a substitute for
the original one. This conception implies a binary model and a
correspondence between texts in the source and target languages. As a
discipline that brings together mobility and languages, translation
plays a central role in the first section of the volume, but it also
emerges as extremely important in the collection as a whole. Readers
are, for example, often reminded that many important Italian writers
and intellectuals, such as Dante, Ugo Foscolo, and Cesare Pavese,
normally spoke different languages and were expert translators. 

The study of the transnational has usually been associated with
colonial, postcolonial, and migration studies, areas that require
consideration of broader geographical spaces and the interlocking of
different temporalities. In this respect, Burdett elucidates that we
can fully understand modern Italian culture only if we know how
fascism developed. At the same time, in order to comprehend Italian
fascism, we have to address the construction of the Italian Empire.
Furthermore, the present Italian context cannot be thoroughly
explained unless we analyze Italy's colonialism and its legacy. Thus,
for example, a total grasp of phenomena such as the rise of far-right
movements, the spread of racism, and anti-immigrant sentiments
involves engaging with Italy's past and in particular the
consequences of its colonial role.

Some chapters of the book show how the transnational also brings to
the fore new ways of looking at the same things, taking into
consideration aspects which have often been neglected. Thus, it
should not be regarded as a surprise that a transnational model is
effectively used to examine periods and themes, such as the Italian
premodern context, that some might consider completely unsuitable for
this kind of analysis. In his chapter, devoted to Dante, Tristan Kay
demonstrates that some critical strategies and methodological
approaches related to the "transnational turn" can lead to suggestive
and unexpected results even when we study a hypercanonical author. In
fact, on the one hand, Dante is unanimously regarded as the father of
the Italian language; his figure is so deeply connected with Italian
history that his work has often been read according to nationalist
ends. On the other hand, if we closely analyze the environment that
surrounded him, we note how multicultural and plurilingual it was. In
it the diglossic system composed of Latin and Italian vernacular was
enriched by the use of Old French and Occitan. Although employed for
different purposes, all these languages coexisted perfectly. 

The analysis of Dante offered by Kay exemplifies what represents the
most significant challenge faced by Italian studies and, more
generally, the field of modern languages, that is, designing a
framework that makes it possible to combine the national and the
transnational, allowing the coexistence of a focus on the national
with a transnational view. A transnational approach foregrounds the
necessity of transcending a national framework but does not deny its
significance and relevance. As stressed by the editors, it is in fact
important to underline that national and transnational are not to be
regarded as distinct because they "are not exclusive but exist in
tension" (p. 14). Thinking transnationally requires looking beyond
national boundaries and encourages us to take into consideration
wider geographical areas. However, at the same time, a transnational
analysis reveals to us that the global and the local are connected.
More precisely, it emphasizes how global dynamics can be studied by
focusing on a local dimension, drawing our attention to
characteristics that are intrinsic to places such as the Sicilian
town Sambuca, Centro Zonarelli in Bologna, and the classroom
environment respectively in the chapters by Donna Gabacca, Naomi
Wells, and Derek Duncan.

As stated by Maria Corti while discussing orality, when we navigate a
field that is broad and porous like an ocean, where it is extremely
easy to get lost, we need to use the chosen perspective as a compass
from which to observe our object of study. We also have to clearly
establish the critical tools we will use in order to use them in an
operational and effective way.[2] The multiple changes we are
experiencing in the world today and in our lives make it necessary to
rethink what Italian studies represents as an academic field. This
excellent collection shows that, through a transnational lens
allowing us to read the past and the present in more flexible and
mobile ways, we are better equipped to grapple with the complexities
of studying Italian cultures. This volume does not intend to propose
an all-encompassing introduction to transnational Italian studies and
we can note, for example, that digital humanities, an area of
research that is developing and gaining broader importance, is not
taken into examination. The real aim of the volume is to provide a
series of critical strategies and operative methodologies to approach
the field.

In this collection, students and teachers will find pedagogical
suggestions and ideas that can be discussed and developed further in
the classroom. All the chapters in fact offer concrete examples of
how what we define as Italian studies can be rethought
transnationally. Although expressly intended for a student
readership, thanks to the wide range of explored themes and the depth
of analysis, _Transnational Italian Studies_ also offers valuable
insights to any expert in the field.

Notes

[1]. Emma Bond, "Towards a Trans-national Turn in Italian Studies?,"
_Italian Studies_ 69, no. 3 (2014): 415-24; 421.

[2]. Maria Corti, "Nozione e funzioni dell'oralità nel sistema
letterario," in _Oralità e scrittura nel sistema letterario, Atti
del Convegno di Cagliari (14-16 aprile 1980)_, ed. Giovanna Cerina
with Cristina Lavinio and Luisa Mulas (Rome: Bulzoni, 1982), 7.

Citation: Kombola T. Ramadhani Mussa. Review of Burdett, Charles;
Polezzi, Loredana, eds., _Transnational Italian Studies
(Transnational Modern Languages)_. H-Italy, H-Net Reviews. November,
2020.
URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=55926

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons
Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States
License.




--
Best regards,

Andrew Stewart


Re: Green vote?

Andrew Stewart
 

To clarify, I am active on Green Party US national party committees. I am advocating that there is hope for the GPUS and that we should actively organize this thing. However, it cannot be a project that is rent through and through with self-delusions of grandeur that denies a central cohesion. I think the Greens have much more hope than the Party of Socialism and Labor or some other "Leninist" Ice Capades pageant seeking to transplant and re-enact the Depression-era CPUSA. I have explained previously why these strange reenactments will not succeed, as has Proyect on occasion in the past 25 years.


The Next Donald Trump (per Sunkara)

fkalosar101@...
 


New book by Andy Merrifield

Michael Yates
 

This is a very fine book about Marx and Marx's Capital. It is witty and well-written, funny but serious. Best of all, it is written for a general reader, although Marx scholars will enjoy it as well. Andy Merrifield is that great rarity--an independent scholar and author. I recommend this book highly. Here is what David Harvey says about it:

 “This enchanting portrait of Marx at work, with his legendary overcoat and shuffling ways, is brilliant, informative, and beautifully written. Merrifield then puts the insights he derives from reconnecting with Marx’s writing to work to illuminate everything from the writings of Gogol and Dickens to the architectural disaster of New York’s Hudson Yards.”


Queens King of politics, Archie Spigner, dead at 92

Alan Ginsberg
 

Amsterdam News, Nov, 5, 2020

longtime Democratic Party politician in NYC, with a background that's related to the Communist Party

Born Aug. 27, 1928, in Orangeburg, S.C., Spigner and his family moved to Queens during the Great Depression. He graduated from Central Needle Trades High School in 1947 and began working at a shoe factory, along with his enrollment in the Jefferson School of Social Science. At Jefferson he was instilled with the various skills and tactics of organized labor.

In the 1950s he was employed as a city bus driver and subsequently joined the Negro American Labor Council. He was a key organizer of its Queens branch.

full at http://amsterdamnews.com/news/2020/nov/05/queens-king-politics-archie-spigner-dead-92/


Why Some Stanford Professors Want the Hoover Institution Gone

Louis Proyect
 

Chronicle of Higher Ed, NOVEMBER 9, 2020
Why Some Stanford Professors Want the Hoover Institution Gone
By Tom Bartlett

At a recent Faculty Senate meeting, Stanford’s provost, Persis Drell, told professors that they shouldn’t think of the Hoover Institution as a separate entity — one that just happens to occupy a 285-foot tower on campus — but should instead accept it as a bona fide part of the university. Many of its fellows, the provost pointed out, are also Stanford professors; what’s more, Hoover’s new director, Condoleezza Rice, has been a faculty member since 1981. “In a very real sense,” Drell said, “and I think this is important to keep in mind, they are, in fact, us.”

That message of unity didn’t go over well in some quarters. There is a long-simmering tension between Stanford and Hoover, which celebrated its centennial last year and considers itself “the world’s pre-eminent archive and policy-research center dedicated to freedom, private enterprise, and effective, limited government.” Hoover is semi-independent: It has its own Board of Overseers, and its fellows, who are given renewable appointments rather than tenure, don’t pass through the same selection process as faculty members (though its senior fellows are granted continuing-term appointments that don’t have to be renewed). At the same time, when a new director is selected, the candidate must be approved by Stanford’s Board of Trustees.

The somewhat less-than-collegial reaction to Drell’s remarks was captured in a Stanford Daily op-ed by Branislav Jakovljević, a professor of theater and performance studies. “When I signed up to teach at Stanford, I was not told that part of my job would be to serve as a living shield for the Hoover Institution,” he wrote. “I refuse to be used in that way. I am not them.”

Lately the source of tension has focused primarily on one person: Scott W. Atlas, the Robert Wesson senior fellow at Hoover and also an adviser to the White House Coronavirus Task Force. He has promoted what’s usually referred to as the “herd immunity” strategy to deal with the pandemic — though Atlas objects vehemently to the label. It’s accurate to say, though, that his views, which appear to align closely with President Trump’s, are outside the public-health mainstream. Anthony Fauci has called them “nonsense,” and Twitter deleted an Atlas tweet that said masks don’t work.

In September, dozens of researchers and doctors from Stanford School of Medicine signed an open letter calling attention to the “falsehoods and misrepresentations of science” they say Atlas has espoused. The former chief of neuroradiology at the school, Atlas threatened to sue his erstwhile colleagues for defamation. He didn’t respond to a request for comment from The Chronicle, but he told the Stanford News Service in a statement that he has used his “unique background, critical thinking, and logic to present the president with the broadest possible views on policy” and that to “claim otherwise is an embarrassment to those who do so.”

Another letter of protest, signed by more than 100 Stanford faculty members, notes that Atlas has “no expertise in epidemiology.” It also chides another Hoover fellow, Richard A. Epstein, a legal scholar and author of books like Free Markets Under Siege: Cartels, Politics, and Social Welfare, for writing in mid-March that he thought only 500 people in the United States would die from the coronavirus. In a confusing series of corrections, Epstein later revised that number to 5,000 in the United States and predicted that worldwide totals would reach 50,000. (More than a million deaths have been recorded so far globally, 237,000 of them in the United States.)

The letter goes on to say that the signatories are “profoundly troubled” that Stanford’s name is being used to “validate such problematic information.” It ends with a call for Stanford’s Faculty Senate to take action: “The relationship between the Hoover Institution’s way of promoting their policy preferences and the academic mission of Stanford University requires more careful renegotiation.”

What does that mean, exactly? An author of the letter, David Palumbo-Liu, a professor of comparative literature, said he wasn’t sure what a renegotiation would entail or where it would lead. In February, Palumbo-Liu will make a presentation to the Faculty Senate requesting that a committee be formed to look into the matter. “So my interest is basically in flexing the muscle of faculty governance in a way that it hasn’t been exercised in some time,” he says. “After that, it’s really up to the administration as to how they listen or don’t listen to the faculty.”

Palumbo-Liu contends that this isn’t an attempt to restrict research that Hoover fellows can pursue or censor their opinions. The problem, he argues, is that positions taken by Hoover reflect on the rest of Stanford, and when it comes to Atlas and Epstein, they reflect poorly. “They’re committed to a project that is in opposition to ours,” he says. “And they take advantage of the association with Stanford to draw from the legitimacy of Stanford research, and they benefit from that association in a way that’s illegitimate.”

That’s what bothers Stephen Monismith, too. Monismith, a professor of engineering who signed the letter, says he, too, would be happy to see Hoover pack its bags and move off campus. He also wouldn’t mind if the institution dissolved, rewrote its mission statement, and asked fellows to reapply. The new statement, as he envisions it, should be “one that doesn’t have an overt mission to say that the free market is the way to go.”

So far the administration doesn’t seem even slightly receptive to such calls. During the same faculty meeting at which Provost Drell called for Hoover-Stanford oneness, David Spiegel, a professor of psychiatry and behavioral sciences, posed the following challenge to President Marc Tessier-Lavigne of Stanford: “Will you, on behalf of the university, publicly disavow Scott Atlas’s irresponsible, unethical, and dangerous actions? Stanford’s reputation and our lives depend on it,” he asked, according to a transcript of the exchange in the official minutes of the October 22 meeting.

Tessier-Lavigne responded by reading the university’s statement on academic freedom, adding that “just because an individual expresses a view does not mean it reflects the views of colleagues or of the university.” At the same time he affirmed that Stanford believes in following “science-informed public-health guidance,” including requiring masks, social distancing, and testing.

That defense aside, Jay Bhattacharya doesn’t think Stanford’s administration has done enough to stand up for academic freedom during the pandemic. Bhattacharya, a professor of medicine at Stanford and one-time Hoover fellow, is a co-author of the Great Barrington Declaration, which contends that those who are not at elevated risk of complications from Covid should “immediately be allowed to resume life as normal” in order for the population to reach herd immunity more quickly. Atlas has cited Bhattacharya and his co-authors favorably, and Bhattacharya says he and Atlas largely agree on coronavirus strategy. “I think it is absolutely their right to object to what Scott actually said that they disagree with,” he says. “Instead they relied on distorted press accounts in the middle of this massive political battle.”

Bhattacharya says it has seemed at times that Stanford, as an institution, has supported the condemnation of Atlas and his views. For example, the letter from Stanford medical-school researchers and doctors was sent out via an official university email list. A follow-up email sent by the university’s Faculty Senate chair, Judith L. Goldstein, and Provost Drell, clarified that use of the official list for the letter “was not consistent with policy” and “will not happen again.”

The history of friction between Hoover and Stanford dates back a long way. In 2007, Hoover made Donald Rumsfeld a visiting fellow, which led to a petition, signed by nearly 4,000 members of the Stanford community, objecting to the appointment of the former defense secretary. In 2003, student antiwar activists called on Hoover to alter its mission statement or for Stanford to sever ties. In 1983, after a number of Hoover fellows were tapped to work in the Reagan administration, two professors started a petition to begin an “immediate inquiry on the relationship between the Hoover Institution and Stanford.” Two years later, a committee appointed by Stanford’s Faculty Senate published a lengthy report that found a “large sense of grievance” directed at each group by the other and called for more cooperation.

Though that sense of grievance clearly hasn’t gone away, it’s hard to imagine that this recent flare-up will lead to significant changes in the relationship. The two entities are, as the provost said, more entwined than ever, and there is zero indication that administrators are looking to evict the institution, which brought in $34-million in donations last year and boasts a half-billion-dollar endowment.

It also seems very unlikely that Scott Atlas will hold onto his influential advisory role in the White House once President-elect Biden is sworn into office. When asked about Atlas and the herd-immunity strategy during a 60 Minutes interview, Biden shook his head. “Nobody thinks it makes any sense,” he said.



A response to Pollin and Chomsky: We need a Green New Deal without growth — Jason Hickel

Louis Proyect
 


Robert Pollin and Noam Chomsky have a new book out, Climate Crisis and the Green New Deal. It’s an important contribution to the emerging GND literature, from two thinkers I respect.  But in recent interviews, when Pollin has been asked about degrowth, he has responded with claims that are factually incorrect and, I think, intentionally misleading.

https://www.jasonhickel.org/blog/2020/10/19/we-need-a-green-new-deal-without-growth


Scientists Confirm the Culprit Behind Earth’s Biggest Extinction

Louis Proyect
 

A chain of calamities caused the planet’s biggest extinction, the greatest mass dying ever. Greenhouse gases explain how.

https://scheerpost.com/2020/11/08/scientists-confirm-the-culprit-behind-earths-biggest-extinction/


BBC Radio 4 - Intrigue - Downloads

Louis Proyect
 

Mayday: podcasts about disinformation in Syria that Eliot Higgins describes: "Been listening to the BBC Radio 4 podcast Intrigue - Mayday. A good example of how absolutely unhinged individuals can be used to smear individuals and organisations while being amplified by state actors."

https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p04sj2pt/episodes/downloads


Walter Polakov and the Hidden History of Socialist Scientific Management - COSMONAUT

Louis Proyect
 


 Walter Polakov had a combined passion for two seemingly contradictory ideas: scientific management and socialism. How did these two combine? Amelia Davenport interviews Diane Kelly, author of The Red Taylorist: The Life and Times of Walter Nicholas Polakov to bring light to this little known part of US history.

https://cosmonaut.blog/2020/11/10/walter-polakov-and-the-hidden-history-of-socialist-scientific-management/