Date   

Modern Mathematics Confronts Its White, Patriarchal Past | Rachel Crowell | Scientific American

Kevin Lindemann and Cathy Campo
 


Re: Sources on 'what went wrong' in Afghanistan?

Dayne Goodwin
 

one aspect that comes to mind (sorry no sources) - corollary to Michael's comment - is weak development of Afghan national consciousness and flimsy popular sense of and experience with national unity (a history similar to Ethiopia, also w/ major internal social divisions);  there may have been progressive possibilities after 1978 Saur revolution but thanks to U.S. government (Carter, Brzezinski) Afghanistan became victim of international warfare and interventions

On Fri, Aug 13, 2021 at 8:24 AM Dan La Botz <danlabotz@...> wrote:
Last night on PBS there was an interview with the author of this book, a man who is a U.S. government advisor who offers a critical assessment of the war. Perhaps this would be helpful in answer the question you have raised.
Carter Malkasian, The American War in Afghanistan: A History, released July 1, 2021.
Dan


My latest book, my first novel.
trotskyintijuana.com



On Fri, Aug 13, 2021 at 10:17 AM mkaradjis . <mkaradjis@...> wrote:
Just asking around re who has seen any good discussion/sources on why the Taliban seems headed to an easy victory following 20 years of US occupation and war against them.

One easy way to approach this for leftists is to say, well, even though the Taliban are horrible, they became in effect the Afghan national resistance to US occupation. Trouble is, while it sounds neat, it does not seem to correspond to the reality (perhaps to some extent, but not for the most part). Evidence suggests the Taliban have very little support among the population, and very significant parts of the population are terrified of their advance, notwithstanding the corruption and venality of the US-backed regime there.

In other words, why hasn't the US, simply from the point of view of its own interests, been unable to form, train and equip an Afghan force capable of defending itself from the Taliban with the US gone?

Is it simply that the Afghan regime has no legitimacy in the eyes of much of the population, due precisely to its reliance on US occupation? Or that due to its very nature, the regime that includes former warlords etc is unable to organise an effective resistance no matter what? Perhaps all this is true, but I'm not so much interested in leftist formulas, but in detailed analysis. 


Re: Chicago Passes Union-Backed Bill for Civilian Oversight of Violent Cops | Joe DeManuelle-Hall | Labor Notes

Charles Keener
 

This seems like an important step.  I believe this relates to the effort discussed on Howie Hawkins' weekly program a few weeks ago.
Howie's guest was Frank Chapman of the Chicago Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression to talk about Chicago's passage of a community control of the police ordinance. (997) #GreenSocialist Notes #32 - YouTube

Charles Keener


-----Original Message-----
From: Kevin Lindemann and Cathy Campo <kklcac@...>
To: marxmail@groups.io
Sent: Fri, Aug 13, 2021 6:06 pm
Subject: [marxmail] Chicago Passes Union-Backed Bill for Civilian Oversight of Violent Cops | Joe DeManuelle-Hall | Labor Notes








Chicago Passes Union-Backed Bill for Civilian Oversight of Violent Cops | Joe DeManuelle-Hall | Labor Notes

Kevin Lindemann and Cathy Campo
 


Re: are fats in the diet responsible for heart disease?

Anthony Boynton
 

The editorial Louis posted is very problematic and speculative.

"Much of the evidence the editorial authors cite for a lack of association between self-reported saturated fat intake and coronary heart disease is observational, which is considered low-quality evidence according to best practice evidence-based methods due to the increased potential for bias in these types of studies. Indeed, one of the studies cited in the editorial noted the quality of evidence to be ‘very low’, indicating that the results are very uncertain.

"A high-quality meta-analysis of available randomised controlled trials (which provide the highest level of evidence for cause and effect associations) found moderate quality evidence that reducing dietary saturated fat lowered the risk of cardiovascular events (for every 100 people on a lower saturated fat diet 7 of them had fewer cardiovascular events). However, there was no statistical effect on all-cause and cardiovascular mortality, risk of myocardial infarction, and stroke, compared to usual diet. The reduction in cardiovascular events was observed in the studies replacing saturated fat with polyunsaturated fat."

https://www.cebm.ox.ac.uk/news/cebm-response-201csaturated-fat-does-not-clog-the-arteries-coronary-heart-disease-is-a-chronic-inflammatory-condition-the-risk-of-which-can-be-effectively-reduced-from-healthy-lifestyle-interventions201d


Re: Watch a mini fascist mob in action

Farans Kalosar
 

This kind of thing is being abetted by soi-disant leftists--for example on the Facebook Sixties Left page (a tragic marker for the actual failure of said left)--joining the anti-vax chorus with all their might.  

Good governance demands compelling a stop to this murderous nonsense.  People are being killed every day and it isn't just out-and-out fascists who are causing the killing.  


The Radical Capitalist Behind the Critical Race Theory Furor | Jasmine Banks | The Nation

Kevin Lindemann and Cathy Campo
 


https://www.thenation.com/article/politics/charles-koch-crt-backlash/

The Radical Capitalist Behind the Critical Race Theory Furor

How a dark-money mogul bankrolled an astroturf backlash.

Once again, the forces of capitalism are harnessing racism to do their dirty work.

More than 25 states have introduced legislation or taken other action that, backers claim, is aimed at banning “critical race theory” (CRT) from schools and government programs. Several states have already passed these bills, and discussion on this topic leads Fox News every night.

The common story about this surge of action is that this is a new “Tea Party” moment—a genuine uprising by grassroots Americans who are furious about CRT and demanding action from their state legislatures. But that story ignores the clear influence of a carefully built campaign by the network of radical free-market capitalist think tanks and action groups supported by billionaire businessman Charles Koch and his late brother

At least to some extent, Koch-funded entities have manufactured this cycle of outrage, and it is dangerous to ignore the role they are playing and their motivations. This is not just a guess. UnKoch My Campus did the research, and we know it’s true. State politicians were almost entirely silent on the topic until the Koch network started pushing the issue earlier this year, months after it was first raised by Fox News commentators.

When the right wing talks about “critical race theory,” it is really hijacking an obscure academic concept to attack any approach to education or policy that acknowledges the existence of historic and structural racism in this country. The popular story—heard not just on Fox News but repeated by the The New York TimesThe New Yorker, and the The Atlantic—is that CRT became a national issue when a single conservative activist, Chris Rufo, appeared on Tucker Carlson in September 2020. President Trump, an avid Carlson fan, quickly responded with an executive order banning federal contractors for any diversity training that examined systemic racism. Since then, the story goes, the grassroots rage at CRT has boiled over.

Such a narrative is powerful, when true, because it gives an air of populist legitimacy to the cause. But that story doesn’t fit the facts.

Because after that brief moment in September, the debate around “critical race theory” went dormant for months. Almost no legislation was introduced at the state level in this period, according to Education Week. Fox News stopped talking about it, according to an analysis by Media Matters. Then, as the Biden administration took over, something happened. Mentions of CRT skyrocketed on Fox News. At the same time, state legislators started introducing bills. What was behind the surge, months after Rufo’s appearance?

Our research makes the answer clear: It was the Koch network.

As the head of UnKoch My Campus, I have spent years working to research and expose the insidious nationwide network of think tanks, action groups, and academics funded by the Kochs. While the network is often diffuse and hard to track, all of its branches purport to be dedicated to supporting free market capitalism.

But I have always known, as a Black woman, that the Koch brothers’ brand of radical capitalism relies on maintaining a system of white supremacy. That reality has rarely been as clear as now, when the Koch network is essentially working to manufacture a crisis to prove its case for privatizing education.

Unkoch My Campus reviewed the published materials of 28 conservative think tanks and political organizations with known ties to the Koch network from June 2020 to June 2021 and found that they had collectively published 79 articles, podcasts, reports or videos about Critical Race Theory.

These articles came out in a trickle last year, but then suddenly became a flood starting in February 2021, as President Biden took office and the threat to corporate profits became real. An average of five pieces per week dropped from late March to June 30, 2021. The pace of propaganda surged in both late May and late June—coinciding with the surge in action by state politicians.

Both the highly influential Heritage Foundation and the American Legislative Exchange Council, which has known ties to the Kochs and a long history of driving conservative state legislation, held webinars devoted to attacking CRT. The Manhattan Institute for Policy Research alone devoted 43 separate articles or videos to the topic.

Why is the Koch network so dedicated to this cause? It is a prime example of how the network has built up an alliance between the three pillars of the right wing: the Republican Party, rich corporate elites, and conservative white and evangelical voters opposed to racial progress.

The CRT fight helps all three. Republicans get a manufactured controversy that motivates their base to keep them in power, and they get the financial support of the Kochs and their corporate friends. The Kochs and other radical capitalists get a false panic around the state of public education, which helps their ongoing campaign to privatize schools, and they gain allies who will push the economic agenda that keeps them at the top. The overwhelmingly white Republican base is rewarded with a story that is easier for them to accept than the true one—a story where they are both the heroes of American history and the true victims of the American present, oppressed by “political correctness.”

As my organization wrote in our expansive report, “Advancing White Supremacy,” the Koch network has purposefully exploited this relationship for years. The network has long-standing ties to white nationalist scholars and has used their research to drive policies that serve its economic goals at the expense of people of color, including efforts to resegregate our nation’s schools, dismantle voting rights, and expand the prison-industrial complex.

You can see this play out in how the Koch think tanks we studied propose “solving” the CRT problems. They propose solutions like deregulating teacher licensing and relaxing restrictions on which public schools parents can send their kids to, both long-standing goals of the organization. This dramatic mismatch between supposedly existential stakes on the one hand and technocratic fixes on the other exposes their true intentions. They are inciting outrages against racial justice, and then using that outrage as a Trojan horse for entrenching radical free market ideology in every institution possible.

Even a casual look at the facts makes it nearly impossible to deny the existence of structural racism and the deep harm it has caused the Black community. But the Koch forces are trying to make it invisible all the same. If they succeed, it will not be a triumph for white Americans. It will be a triumph for Charles Koch, his rich friends—and the politicians who gave them what they wanted.

[Jasmine Banks is the Executive Director of UnKoch My Campus.]




NYTimes: Leon Litwack, 91, Dies; Changed How Scholars Portray Black History

Dan Greene
 

Leon Litwack, 91, Dies; Changed How Scholars Portray Black History
https://www.nytimes.com/2021/08/12/us/leon-litwack-dead.html?referringSource=articleShare


5 Ways Paid Hacks of the Cuban-American Exile Lobby Try to Mislead Us About Cuba

Dennis Brasky
 


Re: Sources on 'what went wrong' in Afghanistan?

Dan La Botz <danlabotz@...>
 

Last night on PBS there was an interview with the author of this book, a man who is a U.S. government advisor who offers a critical assessment of the war. Perhaps this would be helpful in answer the question you have raised.
Carter Malkasian, The American War in Afghanistan: A History, released July 1, 2021.
Dan


My latest book, my first novel.
trotskyintijuana.com



On Fri, Aug 13, 2021 at 10:17 AM mkaradjis . <mkaradjis@...> wrote:
Just asking around re who has seen any good discussion/sources on why the Taliban seems headed to an easy victory following 20 years of US occupation and war against them.

One easy way to approach this for leftists is to say, well, even though the Taliban are horrible, they became in effect the Afghan national resistance to US occupation. Trouble is, while it sounds neat, it does not seem to correspond to the reality (perhaps to some extent, but not for the most part). Evidence suggests the Taliban have very little support among the population, and very significant parts of the population are terrified of their advance, notwithstanding the corruption and venality of the US-backed regime there.

In other words, why hasn't the US, simply from the point of view of its own interests, been unable to form, train and equip an Afghan force capable of defending itself from the Taliban with the US gone?

Is it simply that the Afghan regime has no legitimacy in the eyes of much of the population, due precisely to its reliance on US occupation? Or that due to its very nature, the regime that includes former warlords etc is unable to organise an effective resistance no matter what? Perhaps all this is true, but I'm not so much interested in leftist formulas, but in detailed analysis. 


Re: Sources on 'what went wrong' in Afghanistan?

Michael Meeropol
 

this is probably oversimplified --- but it might just be that the TALIBAN are "true believers" and those defending against him (especially the Afghan army) are not --

Similar story -- why were the Communists able to defeat 11 intervening armies. during the Civil War after the Bolshevik Revolution?

The peasants and workers of Russia fought for SOMETHING --- the "whites" fought for their privileges and the intervening armies were clearly not motivated anywhere near as much as the Red Army ...

On Fri, Aug 13, 2021 at 10:17 AM mkaradjis . <mkaradjis@...> wrote:
Just asking around re who has seen any good discussion/sources on why the Taliban seems headed to an easy victory following 20 years of US occupation and war against them.

One easy way to approach this for leftists is to say, well, even though the Taliban are horrible, they became in effect the Afghan national resistance to US occupation. Trouble is, while it sounds neat, it does not seem to correspond to the reality (perhaps to some extent, but not for the most part). Evidence suggests the Taliban have very little support among the population, and very significant parts of the population are terrified of their advance, notwithstanding the corruption and venality of the US-backed regime there.

In other words, why hasn't the US, simply from the point of view of its own interests, been unable to form, train and equip an Afghan force capable of defending itself from the Taliban with the US gone?

Is it simply that the Afghan regime has no legitimacy in the eyes of much of the population, due precisely to its reliance on US occupation? Or that due to its very nature, the regime that includes former warlords etc is unable to organise an effective resistance no matter what? Perhaps all this is true, but I'm not so much interested in leftist formulas, but in detailed analysis. 

_._,_._,_



Sources on 'what went wrong' in Afghanistan?

Michael Karadjis
 

Just asking around re who has seen any good discussion/sources on why the Taliban seems headed to an easy victory following 20 years of US occupation and war against them.

One easy way to approach this for leftists is to say, well, even though the Taliban are horrible, they became in effect the Afghan national resistance to US occupation. Trouble is, while it sounds neat, it does not seem to correspond to the reality (perhaps to some extent, but not for the most part). Evidence suggests the Taliban have very little support among the population, and very significant parts of the population are terrified of their advance, notwithstanding the corruption and venality of the US-backed regime there.

In other words, why hasn't the US, simply from the point of view of its own interests, been unable to form, train and equip an Afghan force capable of defending itself from the Taliban with the US gone?

Is it simply that the Afghan regime has no legitimacy in the eyes of much of the population, due precisely to its reliance on US occupation? Or that due to its very nature, the regime that includes former warlords etc is unable to organise an effective resistance no matter what? Perhaps all this is true, but I'm not so much interested in leftist formulas, but in detailed analysis. 


NY Times: Leon Litwack, 91, Dies; Changed How Scholars Portray Black History

Alan Ginsberg
 

One of Berkeley’s most popular professors, he brought passion and nuance — and a love for blues music — to his award-winning study of the marginalized and the oppressed.

https://www.nytimes.com/2021/08/12/us/leon-litwack-dead.html

Leon Litwack, a leather-jacket-wearing, blues-loving historian whose pioneering books on slavery and its aftermath demonstrated how Black people thought about and shaped their own liberation, even as they were constrained by racism in American society, died on Aug. 5 at his home in Berkeley, Calif. He was 91.

His wife, Rhoda Litwack, said the cause was bladder cancer.

Professor Litwack, a son of left-wing immigrants from Russia, brought an ethos of patriotic dissent to both his teaching and his scholarship at the University of California, Berkeley, insisting that the historian’s job is to give voice to the marginalized and to make the well-off uncomfortable. He sought to teach students, he said in a 2001 interview, to “feel the past in ways that may be genuinely disturbing.”

Beginning in the early 1960s, a time when many historians still treated enslaved and freed Black people as passive actors in their own narratives, he cut a different path, immersing himself in the archives to discover Black voices and their stories and show how they thought about, and struggled against, oppression.

One notable fruit of that effort was “Been in the Storm So Long: The Aftermath of Slavery” (1979), which won both the Pulitzer Prize and the National Book Award.

Just as important, he showed how oppression against Black people was not unique to the South. In his book “North of Slavery: The Negro in the Free States, 1790-1860” (1961), Professor Litwack illustrated how racism had structured institutions and relations in which Black and white people were supposedly equal, at least in popular memory.

“He understood how deeply racism and white supremacy cut through the country, and he did it before a lot of other historians did,” said Jason Sokol, a historian at the University of New Hampshire who studied with him at Berkeley.

As a teacher Professor Litwack advised scores of doctoral students and taught an estimated 40,000 undergraduates in his huge survey courses, where he often showed up in a leather jacket and a Grateful Dead tie. He loved blues and rock, and used film and music clips to illuminate American history since the Civil War; in one course he included the “The Complete Recordings” of Robert Johnson as a required text.

“There’s a stereotype that famous academics don’t teach the intro course,” James Grossman, the executive director of the American Historical Association and a former student of Professor Litwack’s, said in an interview. “Leon thought the opposite. For Leon, teaching that intro course was an obligation, but also an opportunity to have an impact on students no matter what their major was.”

Leon Frank Litwack was born on Dec. 2, 1929, in Santa Barbara, Calif. His parents, Julius and Minnie (Nitkin) Litwack, met after arriving separately in California as Jewish immigrants. There they each gravitated toward left-wing political circles.

They were both working class — Julius was a gardener, Millie a seamstress — and they raised Leon, their only child, in an ethnically diverse, pro-labor enclave in Santa Barbara. He read voraciously, and while he loved the social realism of Charles Dickens and Victor Hugo, he felt especially drawn to John Steinbeck, who in “The Grapes of Wrath” and other books recorded the struggles of California workers like his family.

He also encountered the work of the Black historian W.E.B. Du Bois, whose 1935 book, “Black Reconstruction in America,” told a much different, and much more positive, story about the period after the Civil War than the one in his high school history textbook.

One day he asked his teacher if he could offer a response to the textbook; receiving permission, he delivered a withering assault. When he was done, his teacher gave him a scornful look and said, “Now, students, you must remember that Leon is bitterly pro-labor.”

He took his commitment to social justice with him to Berkeley, where he campaigned for Henry Wallace, the 1948 Progressive candidate for president, and protested the state’s requirement that public employees, including university faculty, sign an oath of loyalty to the United States.

During the summers, while his better-off classmates went on vacation, he worked as a mess boy on freighters shipping out of San Francisco Bay, becoming active in the Marine Cooks and Stewards Union, one of the country’s more left-wing labor organizations.

His activism — and refusal to sign a loyalty oath — got him fired from a student job at the Berkeley campus library, and in 1953 he was subpoenaed to appear before the House Committee on Un-American Activities. But it also brought him in touch with his idols: He introduced Wallace when he came to speak at Berkeley; met Harry Bridges, the radical West Coast union leader; and talked with Du Bois about how American universities were teaching post-Civil War history.

He met Rhoda Goldberg as an undergraduate and they married in 1952. She worked as a preschool teacher. Along with Ms. Litwack, he is survived by their children, John and Ann, as well as two grandchildren.

Professor Litwack served in the Army after graduation, then returned to Berkeley for his doctorate, where he studied with Kenneth Stampp, a groundbreaking historian of the Civil War. After he received his Ph.D. in 1958, he began teaching at the University of Wisconsin, where he turned his dissertation into his first book, “North of Slavery.”

He returned to Berkeley in 1964, just as the campus was roiling with student activism. Unlike many of his fellow professors, Professor Litwack fully supported the protesters — he canceled his class the day after the police arrested 800 of them during a sit-in at Sproul Plaza.

He also drank deep from the emerging counterculture around the Bay Area, especially its music scene. In one instance he reconnected with a former student from Wisconsin, Tracy Nelson, a folk singer who was starting a band called Mother Earth, and gave her about $700 to get off the ground. In return she included him and his son John in a photo of the band on the inside of their first album, “Living with Animals” (1968).

Professor Litwack’s most well-known book, “Been in the Storm So Long: The Aftermath of Slavery,” dispensed with telling a linear history about the years following emancipation and instead, drawing on years of research in obscure archives, presented thematic stories focused on the way Black Americans experienced their freedom and shaped it.

The book was revolutionary; many historians had assumed that such documents didn’t exist, leaving them to recount the period solely from the white point of view.

“‘Been in the Storm So Long’ was pivotal in giving a detailed Black voice during Reconstruction,” said the historian Eric Foner, a professor of history at Columbia University and himself a leading expert on the period. “He turned around the literature to make Blacks the key actors in that transformation.”

Professor Litwack had his critics, though, especially after the publication of his third and last major book, “Trouble in Mind: Black Southerners in the Age of Jim Crow” (1998). While it was well-received in some corners, many fellow historians complained that it placed unrelenting emphasis on Black people as victims and failed to tell a more nuanced tale about resistance.

“Litwack implies that African-American institutions function merely in response to white oppression, as though blacks had no existence beyond their connection with whites — Black Southerners as victims rather than Black Southerners as people,” wrote the historian Nell Irvin Painter in The Nation. “For all its picturesque appeal, ‘Trouble in Mind’ is stale.”

Professor Litwack remained a popular figure at Berkeley. In 2005 he took on a minor role in an undergraduate production of “The Cradle Will Rock,” Marc Blitzstein’s 1937 musical about corruption and greed — he played a pacifist professor whose lines included “I don’t like military training/Military training of any kind/I’m a Tolstoyan.”

He gave his final lecture in May 2007. Thousands of students, current and former, packed the hall, some coming from as far away as New York. Though he had suffered a stroke a few years before, he walked onto the stage bedecked in his leather jacket, the Isley Brothers’ “Fight the Power” playing on the sound system.

His love of music wasn’t just a hobby. He believed that genres like folk and the blues presented critical perspectives on American history — and offered a possible escape from what he believed was an otherwise grim fate for a country still beleaguered by white supremacy.

Once, a student asked whether he had any hope for America’s future, and why. Professor Litwack paused, then exclaimed, “Rock ’n’ roll!”

 

 

 

 

 


The Myth of the Atomic Genie

Ron Jacobs <ronj1955@...>
 


Re: DSA Convention 2021

Roger Kulp
 

Here is what I wonder, what are revolutionary socialists, who don't believe in either reform through elections, or the social democratic agenda, doing in the DSA in the first place? It seems they are going against both the founding vision of the DSA set forth by Michael Harrington, and the latter day Social Democrats, like Bernie Sanders and The Squad. Why aren't they trying to build other, more radical ,or revolutionary, socialist organizations?

I suppose it's because the majority of the current DSA leadership is under thirty, and thus politically inexperienced,or naive enough to believe the Democratic Party can be pulled to the left. There seems to be a terrible amount of ignorance of the history of the Democratic Party in the last fifty odd years here, whether that be of George Mc Govern, what happened to Dennis Kucinich, and Jesse Jackson, or how Bill Clinton, and the DLC permanently reshaped the party. What the Democratic establishment did to Bernie and Nina Turner, is simply part of a long history going back decades.



Climate Disaster: On the brink — the scenario that the IPCC is not modelling

Steven L. Robinson
 

https://solidarity-us.org/on_the_brink/
 
Climate Disaster: On the brink — the scenario that the IPCC is not modelling
 
 By Daniel Tanuro
 
August 11, 2021
 
[Conclusion excerpted below]
 
The IPCC WG1 report should therefore be read with the understanding that it is both the best and the worst of things. The best, because it provides a rigorous diagnosis from which to draw excellent arguments for indicting those in power and their political representatives. The worst, because it spreads both fear and powerlessness… from which the powerful benefit from even though the diagnosis accuses them! Its scientistic ideology drowns the critical spirit in the flood of “data”.
 
It thus diverts attention from the systemic causes, with two consequences:
 
1) attention is focused on ’behavioural change’ and other individual actions – full of good will but pathetically insufficient;
 
2) instead of helping to bridge the gap between ecological and social awareness, scientism maintains it.
 
Ecologising the social and socialising ecology is the only strategy that can stop the catastrophe and revive the hope of a better life. A life of caring for people and ecosystems, now and in the long term. A simple, joyful and meaningful life. A life that the IPCC scenarios never model, where the production of use values for the satisfaction of real needs, democratically determined in respect of nature, replaces the production of goods for the profit of a minority. This ecosocialist alternative scenario will not be modeled by the IPCC. It is rational and feasible, but can only grow from the solidarity and the self-organised struggles of the exploited and oppressed.
 

 
 
 


AMLO Installs a Replica Aztec Temple While He Dispossesses Indigenous Communities

Charles Keener
 

Mexico: AMLO Installs a Replica Aztec Temple While He Dispossesses Indigenous Communities - Left Voice

The Mexican government pays lip service to indigenous struggle, all while dispossessing indigenous communities.

Real reparations for the damages and discrimination that indigenous communities have suffered for centuries will not come through rhetorical concessions like renaming dates, streets, and subway stations, but by putting an end to the interference and sacking of private national and imperialist companies that act with the approval of the Mexican government, no matter which party is in power, in alliance with U.S., Canadian, and European imperialism.
Reparations for the damages of centuries of oppression against indigenous peoples can only come from breaking with the parties in Congress, both the right-wing and the 4T, expropriating the capitalists, who have enriched themselves through dispossessing communities of their natural resources, and putting the fortunes of the capitalists at the service of the majority of society. By doing so, we could preserve the ancestral cultures of Mexico, restore the environment to have a more harmonious relationship with nature, and put technological advances toward making our lives easier and not for servicing the profits of capitalists, who steal every minute they can for the labor of millions, who are then condemned to misery.


Re: Marxism resurges among young Chinese after CPC’s centenary proves a success | Hu Yuwei and Huang Lanlan | Global Times via MR Online

Andrew Stewart
 

I find it to be a rather odd phenomenon. In almost every other conversation on this ListServ, we have conversation that goes into the multiple nuances that differentiates the various sub-genres of Marxism (Trotskyism, Marxism Leninism, Autonomism, Kautskyism, Luxemburgism, et al). Then you come to China and “Marxism” is talked about with all the rigors of the Right.

In an essay Vijay Prashad includes in his COMMUNIST HISTORIES anthology from a few years ago, Lin Chun makes it extraordinarily clear, Chinese Marxism is refracted through a neo-Confucian lens, which promotes a notion of “harmonious society” (read: plenty of room for multiple classes). She writes:

Confucianism, decorated or modernized, is no ‘soft power’ to match the capitalist ideology of liberal democracy and market efficiency. Its conservative doctrines from belittling women to endorsing elitism and submission make it hopelessly obsolete. It is, after all, an ideology of the ruling class. Concerning tianxia in particular, even if it does offer some positive imaginaries, it has an imperial stigma and is entirely toothless facing the capitalist industrial-financial-military complex, which also extends a long arm of cultural and media power. A uniformly benevolent and ascendant Chinese tradition and its potential globalization are a fantasy and no valid alternative to either Eurocentric or capitalist vices anyway. Yet often as part of the ‘rise of China’ discourse, traditionalism can be politically inflected for a post-socialist function. It is projected that with the rising influence of China, a peaceful Chinese state would enhance the chance of greater equality in the world and for a non-capitalist, East Asian model development to be globally emulated… Instead of neo-Confucianism that tends to be Han centered, or capitalist globalism that promotes market values and profits over needs, socialism remains the only global prospect capable of protecting and developing a social contract of universal liberation and welfare.


Re: Marxism resurges among young Chinese after CPC’s centenary proves a success | Hu Yuwei and Huang Lanlan | Global Times via MR Online

Ken Hiebert
 

Someone I know studied in the Soviet Union in about 1967 as part of a group sent by the Young Community League in Canada. While there she met a man from the Communist Party of Brazil. He took the studies seriously and suggested to his prof a mode of production to add to the ones they were studying. His prof told him they had enough modes of production and didn’t need any more.
ken h


Re: Marxism resurges among young Chinese after CPC’s centenary proves a success | Hu Yuwei and Huang Lanlan | Global Times via MR Online

hari kumar
 

So I would like to suggest a couple of things in response to Jim.
i) This may be heresy to all here, but it may well be that not many people (substitute workers if you like) have the time or the interest or inclination to 'study Marxism'. I mean life is short (especially for workers), and when you are hard pressed to earn a crust (or not even that) - Das Kapital does not weigh easily against the pub. Is that cynical?... perhaps I am over-gloomy, I think not. But what do I know....? 

ii) I was not in the USSR in the days that Jim seems to know so well. However, I have to say - that being interested enough to realise I needed a 'Marxist education', I enrolled in a lot of classes over my years from 16 years of age on to the present day when I am 70. Most were boring as hell. Only three out of - say 12 or so rated at all - not a good hit rate. Of the 12 most had Trotsky adherent class leaders - of which one was a specific reading course of Capital by Andrew Kliman. That was excellent in my view, as Kliman allowed mental exploration & is a true expert in his field. But this was after my having knocked around a while. As a true neophyte, the two most impressive was a classes set by a chap from the Indian ML Association in London and one by W.B.Bland. The ones I met at University were quite pedantic and frankly boring and quite leader-ist. Most of those were from IS folks. The point is - that *most* Marxism course are frankly boring. 

iii) As Jim says; this was the case in the USSR as a quick glance at David Brandenberger & Mikhail Zelenov; "Stalin's Master narrative"; New Haven; 2019; would show. What Jim does not deal with is the attempts of the CPSU to actually deal with this. 

Michael M's caustic (unusual for you Michael!) comment requires a much more detailed response and will not be attempted as a quick fast response. 

Hari Kumar

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