Chronicle of Higher Ed, NOVEMBER
9, 2020
Why Some Stanford Professors Want the Hoover Institution Gone
By Tom Bartlett
At a recent Faculty Senate meeting, Stanford’s
provost, Persis Drell, told professors that they shouldn’t think
of the Hoover Institution as a separate entity — one that just
happens to occupy a 285-foot tower on campus — but should
instead accept it as a bona fide part of the university. Many of
its fellows, the provost pointed out, are also Stanford
professors; what’s more, Hoover’s new director, Condoleezza
Rice, has been a faculty member since 1981. “In a very real
sense,” Drell said, “and I think this is important to keep in
mind, they are, in fact, us.”
That message of unity didn’t go over well in some quarters.
There is a long-simmering tension between Stanford and Hoover,
which celebrated its centennial last year and considers itself
“the world’s pre-eminent archive and policy-research center
dedicated to freedom, private enterprise, and effective, limited
government.” Hoover is semi-independent: It has its own Board of
Overseers, and its fellows, who are given renewable appointments
rather than tenure, don’t pass through the same selection
process as faculty members (though its senior fellows are
granted continuing-term appointments that don’t have to be
renewed). At the same time, when a new director is selected, the
candidate must be approved by Stanford’s Board of Trustees.
The somewhat less-than-collegial reaction to Drell’s remarks was
captured in a Stanford Daily op-ed by Branislav Jakovljević, a
professor of theater and performance studies. “When I signed up
to teach at Stanford, I was not told that part of my job would
be to serve as a living shield for the Hoover Institution,” he
wrote. “I refuse to be used in that way. I am not them.”
Lately the source of tension has focused primarily on one
person: Scott W. Atlas, the Robert Wesson senior fellow at
Hoover and also an adviser to the White House Coronavirus Task
Force. He has promoted what’s usually referred to as the “herd
immunity” strategy to deal with the pandemic — though Atlas
objects vehemently to the label. It’s accurate to say, though,
that his views, which appear to align closely with President
Trump’s, are outside the public-health mainstream. Anthony Fauci
has called them “nonsense,” and Twitter deleted an Atlas tweet
that said masks don’t work.
In September, dozens of researchers and doctors from Stanford
School of Medicine signed an open letter calling attention to
the “falsehoods and misrepresentations of science” they say
Atlas has espoused. The former chief of neuroradiology at the
school, Atlas threatened to sue his erstwhile colleagues for
defamation. He didn’t respond to a request for comment from The
Chronicle, but he told the Stanford News Service in a statement
that he has used his “unique background, critical thinking, and
logic to present the president with the broadest possible views
on policy” and that to “claim otherwise is an embarrassment to
those who do so.”
Another letter of protest, signed by more than 100 Stanford
faculty members, notes that Atlas has “no expertise in
epidemiology.” It also chides another Hoover fellow, Richard A.
Epstein, a legal scholar and author of books like Free Markets
Under Siege: Cartels, Politics, and Social Welfare, for writing
in mid-March that he thought only 500 people in the United
States would die from the coronavirus. In a confusing series of
corrections, Epstein later revised that number to 5,000 in the
United States and predicted that worldwide totals would reach
50,000. (More than a million deaths have been recorded so far
globally, 237,000 of them in the United States.)
The letter goes on to say that the signatories are “profoundly
troubled” that Stanford’s name is being used to “validate such
problematic information.” It ends with a call for Stanford’s
Faculty Senate to take action: “The relationship between the
Hoover Institution’s way of promoting their policy preferences
and the academic mission of Stanford University requires more
careful renegotiation.”
What does that mean, exactly? An author of the letter, David
Palumbo-Liu, a professor of comparative literature, said he
wasn’t sure what a renegotiation would entail or where it would
lead. In February, Palumbo-Liu will make a presentation to the
Faculty Senate requesting that a committee be formed to look
into the matter. “So my interest is basically in flexing the
muscle of faculty governance in a way that it hasn’t been
exercised in some time,” he says. “After that, it’s really up to
the administration as to how they listen or don’t listen to the
faculty.”
Palumbo-Liu contends that this isn’t an attempt to restrict
research that Hoover fellows can pursue or censor their
opinions. The problem, he argues, is that positions taken by
Hoover reflect on the rest of Stanford, and when it comes to
Atlas and Epstein, they reflect poorly. “They’re committed to a
project that is in opposition to ours,” he says. “And they take
advantage of the association with Stanford to draw from the
legitimacy of Stanford research, and they benefit from that
association in a way that’s illegitimate.”
That’s what bothers Stephen Monismith, too. Monismith, a
professor of engineering who signed the letter, says he, too,
would be happy to see Hoover pack its bags and move off campus.
He also wouldn’t mind if the institution dissolved, rewrote its
mission statement, and asked fellows to reapply. The new
statement, as he envisions it, should be “one that doesn’t have
an overt mission to say that the free market is the way to go.”
So far the administration doesn’t seem even slightly receptive
to such calls. During the same faculty meeting at which Provost
Drell called for Hoover-Stanford oneness, David Spiegel, a
professor of psychiatry and behavioral sciences, posed the
following challenge to President Marc Tessier-Lavigne of
Stanford: “Will you, on behalf of the university, publicly
disavow Scott Atlas’s irresponsible, unethical, and dangerous
actions? Stanford’s reputation and our lives depend on it,” he
asked, according to a transcript of the exchange in the official
minutes of the October 22 meeting.
Tessier-Lavigne responded by reading the university’s statement
on academic freedom, adding that “just because an individual
expresses a view does not mean it reflects the views of
colleagues or of the university.” At the same time he affirmed
that Stanford believes in following “science-informed
public-health guidance,” including requiring masks, social
distancing, and testing.
That defense aside, Jay Bhattacharya doesn’t think Stanford’s
administration has done enough to stand up for academic freedom
during the pandemic. Bhattacharya, a professor of medicine at
Stanford and one-time Hoover fellow, is a co-author of the Great
Barrington Declaration, which contends that those who are not at
elevated risk of complications from Covid should “immediately be
allowed to resume life as normal” in order for the population to
reach herd immunity more quickly. Atlas has cited Bhattacharya
and his co-authors favorably, and Bhattacharya says he and Atlas
largely agree on coronavirus strategy. “I think it is absolutely
their right to object to what Scott actually said that they
disagree with,” he says. “Instead they relied on distorted press
accounts in the middle of this massive political battle.”
Bhattacharya says it has seemed at times that Stanford, as an
institution, has supported the condemnation of Atlas and his
views. For example, the letter from Stanford medical-school
researchers and doctors was sent out via an official university
email list. A follow-up email sent by the university’s Faculty
Senate chair, Judith L. Goldstein, and Provost Drell, clarified
that use of the official list for the letter “was not consistent
with policy” and “will not happen again.”
The history of friction between Hoover and Stanford dates back a
long way. In 2007, Hoover made Donald Rumsfeld a visiting
fellow, which led to a petition, signed by nearly 4,000 members
of the Stanford community, objecting to the appointment of the
former defense secretary. In 2003, student antiwar activists
called on Hoover to alter its mission statement or for Stanford
to sever ties. In 1983, after a number of Hoover fellows were
tapped to work in the Reagan administration, two professors
started a petition to begin an “immediate inquiry on the
relationship between the Hoover Institution and Stanford.” Two
years later, a committee appointed by Stanford’s Faculty Senate
published a lengthy report that found a “large sense of
grievance” directed at each group by the other and called for
more cooperation.
Though that sense of grievance clearly hasn’t gone away, it’s
hard to imagine that this recent flare-up will lead to
significant changes in the relationship. The two entities are,
as the provost said, more entwined than ever, and there is zero
indication that administrators are looking to evict the
institution, which brought in $34-million in donations last year
and boasts a half-billion-dollar endowment.
It also seems very unlikely that Scott Atlas will hold onto his
influential advisory role in the White House once
President-elect Biden is sworn into office. When asked about
Atlas and the herd-immunity strategy during a 60 Minutes
interview, Biden shook his head. “Nobody thinks it makes any
sense,” he said.