(For an obscure article about BRICS subimperialism, two Brazilian
comrades and I were just trying to quickly sum up the probable
shift; does this capture it?)
Joe Biden’s election as U.S. president brings respite from a
world threatened by Donald Trump’s climate-denialist,
dictator-coddling, xenophobic, racist, misogynist, rules-breaking
regime, at first blush. On second thought, 2021 will also initiate
an unwelcome restoration of legitimacy to Western imperialism akin
to Barack Obama’s rule. Biden’s (2020) recent Foreign Affairs
article began by stressing how since 2017, “the international
system that the United States so carefully constructed is coming
apart at the seams.” In reconstructing imperialism, Biden may draw
upon a legislative and public-advocacy record dating to the 1980s
based upon consistent service to several internationally-ambitious
circuits of U.S. capital:
· financial, e.g. through supporting bankruptcy ‘reform’,
austerity in social programs, the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act
deregulating Wall Street, and unprecedented financial sector
bailouts;
· merchant and agri-corporate, when promoting trade and
‘investor rights’ deals;
· technology, through unleashing Big Data surveillance;
· medical and insurance, when favoring Intellectual Property
and opposing public healthcare financing;
· fossil fuel, given that his climate policy will resurrect
Obama’s, based on insufficient emissions reductions, ongoing oil
and gas drilling and pipeline transport, a refusal to pay the U.S.
climate debt, and renewed reliance upon carbon markets; and
· the Military Industrial Complex – for Biden supported
every war since the 1980s, leading the authoritative insider
journal Defense One to celebrate: “Biden may not radically change
the nation’s military, deviate from the era’s so-called great
power competition, or even slash the bottom line of the Pentagon’s
$700 billion budget” (Benjamin and Davies 2020).
What will stand in opposition to a Biden-administration
imperialism, whose toxic ideology only replaces Trump’s
‘paleoconservative’ nationalism with the Obama-style fusion of
neoliberalism and neoconservatism? Much hope had been invested in
the Latin American ‘Pink Tide’ but it faded after Hugo Chavez’s
2013 death. Since, then, notwithstanding serious crises, the
Brazil-Russia-India-China-South Africa (BRICS) network has been of
central interest in 21st century international political economy.
ETC ETC